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973.005 j ^V,Ay NE4ALLENco H ^ 

v. 25 




3 1833 01747 7644 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2012 











January— June, 1891 



Copyright, 1891, 

Press of J. J. Little & Co. 
Astor Place, New York. 



John Ericsson, the Builder of the " Monitor," 1803-1889 Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 1 

The Bladensburg Dueling Ground Milton S. Adkins. 18 

Dr. Lyman Hall, Governor of Georgia, 1783, Signer of the Declaration of Independence. 

Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., LL.D. 35 

Eloquence of Andrew Johnson Hon. Charles Aldrich. 47 

The French Army in the Revolutionary War. Count De Fersen's Private Letters to his 

Father, 1780-1781. Translated from the French, by Miss Georgine Holmes, I. 55 ; 

II. 150 

The Original Treasury Accounting Office Orrin B. Hallam. 71 

Isaac Jogues, A.D. 1636. A Poem Hon. James Phinney Baxter. 77 

The United States Flag ./. Madison Drake. 85 

Capital Punishment in 1740 Bauman L. Belden 85 

The Far West in 1832 George Catlin. 86 

Notes, Queries, and Replies 87, 178, 254, 338, 419, 504 

Societies 92, 181, 257, 342, 423, 509 

Book Notices 94, 183, 265, 345, 426, 510 

Sketch of Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, 1792-1871 Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 97 

The Demand for Education in American History Hon. John Jay. 99 

Emigration from New England to New Brunswick, 1763-1764 Rev. D. F. Lamson. 118 

The Antiquity of Carriages. Emanuel Spencer. 120 

Raleigh's Settlement on Roanoke Island Stephen B. Weeks, Ph.D. 127 

Exploring Louisiana Rev. R. S. Cross. 140 

The Pickering Manuscripts H. E. Green. 143 

Captain Robert Bridges, Founder of the First Iron Works in America. .Nathan M. Hawkes. 150 

Original Will of Lieut. Col. John Washington A. Howard Clark. 174 

Sketch of Sala Bosworth 176 

General Francis E. Spinner, the Financier Rev. Lsaac S. Hartley, D.D. 185 

The Historian's First Book Hubert Howe Bancroft. 201 

Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs Abraham S. Lsaacs, Ph.D. 210 

The Pennsylvania Convention, 1788 A. W. Clason. 215 

An Hour with George Bancroft Hon. Charles R~. Tuckerman. 227 

George Bancroft, 1S00-1891. A Sonnet. Rev. Wm. C. Richards, LL.D. 232 

Slavery in Canada J. C. Hamilton, LL. B. 233 

The Homespun Age M. C. Williams. 239 

The Hunters of Kentucky W. Abbatt. 244 

Rev. Cotton Mather Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 245 

Washington at Tarrytown M. D. Raymond. 247 

Centennial of the Massachusetts Historical Society 250 

Historic and Social Jottings 260 

The *' Chesapeake " and Lieutenant Ludlow Robert Ludlow Fowler. 269 

The Ballad of Columbus S. H. M. Byers. 293 



First Meeting of Admiral Porter and General Sherman Admiral Porter. 298 

Defense of Captain John Smith Hon. William Wirt Henry. 300 

A Bundle of Suggestive Relics Hon. Horatio King. 314 

Power to Grant Patents for Inventions Levin H. Campbell, yi^ 

President Lincoln and his English Visitors 325 

The Fate of a Pennsylvania Coquette Mrs. E. F. Ellet. yrj 

Letters of General Grant and General Sherman 334 

Letter of Alexander Hamilton, 1780 335 

Archaeology of Missouri-. 336 

William H. Seward. A Great Public Character, 1801-1872 Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 349 

An Early West Pointer Hon. Charles Aldrich. 371 

A Lost Chapter in American History Rev. George Patterson, D.D. 375 

The First American Ship Professor G. Brown Goode. 392 

Some California Documents Charles Hozvard Shinn. 394 

General Varnum's Letter on the Form of Government for the United States, 1787/ 403 

President Lincoln and the Sleeping Sentinel Hon. L. E. Chittenden. 405 

John Law of Indiana Frank A. Myers. 409 

The Fairy Isle of Mackinac. A Sonnet Rev. Wm. C. Richards, LL.D. 412 

The Historic Frigate '- Chesapeake " 4^3 

Burning of the Steamboat " Lexington " Mrs. E. H. Schenck. 415 

The Livingstons of America. E. B. Livingston. 416 

Anecdotes of the King of Italy 4^8 

Glimpses of the Railroad in History Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 429 

Slave Insurrection in Virginia, 1831 Stephen B. Weeks, Ph.D. 448 

British Merchants in 1775 Walter Romeyn Benjamin. 459 

Some Rare Old Books A. R. Fulton. 463 

Distinguished Germans in American Affairs Dr. Oscar Braun. 469 

Results of Keeping a Secret Rev. R. T. Cross. 489 

Slavery in Connecticut Rev. James E. Coley. 490 

Death of Colman, September 6, 1609. A Historic Poem Thomas Frost. 493 

Washington as a Promoter of Inventions Joseph M. Toner, M. D. 496 

Extracts from Sir Walter Scott's Journal 501 

Original Documents. Letters of General Benjamin Tupper to Judge Putnam, 1792 503 



Portraits of John Ericsson i , g 

Home of John Ericsson, New York City 3 

Headquarters of Gota Canal Company 5 

Second Engraving of John Ericsson, 182 1. 7 

The Locomotive " Novelty " with Train of Engine and Coaches, 1829 .... 11 

Facsimile of Ericsson's Original Drawing of the " Monitor," 1854 13 

Battle between the " Monitor" and " Merrimac," March 9, 1862 15 

Portrait of Baron Nils Ericson , 17 

The George Washington House, Bladensburg, Md 19 

Old Mill near Bladensburg 21 

Turnpike to Baltimore 23 

Dueling Ground, Bladensburg, Md 25 

Portrait of Sir Roderick Impey Murchison 97 

War-Chariot of the Pharaohs 120 

Carriage of the Viceroy of Egypt, 1867 121 

Coach of Henry IV. 122 

The Improved Coach 122 

" Chare " of the Seventeenth Century 123 

The '■' Deacon's One Horse Shay ". 123 

State Carriage of Queen Elizabeth 124 

Old English Moving- Wagon 125 

The Beekman Carriage, New York 126 

Portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh 127 

The Introduction of Tobacco into England. Raleigh Smoking Tobacco 128 

Portrait of Cotton Mather 185 

The Treasury Building, Washington, D. C 187 

Portrait of General Francis E. Spinner 189 

The Dome of the Capitol, Washington, D. C 193 

View of the Smithsonian, National Museum, and the Capitol 196 

Portrait of Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs 211 

Columbus at the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella 269 

Portrait of Augustus C. Ludlow, U. S. N 271 

Views of the Old Ludlow Home, New Windsor, N. Y 273, 275, 279 

Portrait of Captain Charles Ludlow, U. S. N 277 

Portrait of Robert C. Ludlow, U. S. N 281 

Portrait of Lieutenant William Jones, U. S. N 283 

Portrait of William H. Seward 349 

The Old State Department, Washington, D. C 351 

Home of William H. Seward, Washington, D. C 353 

Inauguration of President Lincoln 357 



The Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln and his Cabinet 365 

The Alaska Treaty. Group Portraits of Signers 367 

The Darien Canal Treaty. Group Portraits of Signers 369 

Portrait of Captain Adam A. Larrabee 372 

Portrait of Christopher Columbus 429 

Portrait of Edward Somerset, Second Marquis of Worcester 431 

Portrait of Richard Trevithick 433 

Portrait of George Stephenson 434 

Trevithick's Locomotive, 1804 435 

Ten-wheeled Passenger Locomotive, 1891 435 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 1830. 438 

First American Locomotive, 1830 438 

Pullman Parlor Car, 1 891 439 

The Niagara Cantilever Bridge 441 

Portal of Tunnel, showing Cameron's Cone, Colorado 443 

London Underground System 445 


Vol. XXV ~ JANUARY, 1891 ~Na 


1 803-1; 

IN his late message, referring to the relations of our country with the 
several nations of Europe, President Harrison said : " The restoration of 

the remains of John Ericsson to Sweden afforded a gratifying occasion 
to honor the memory of the great inventor, to whose genius our country 
owes so much, and to bear witness to the unbroken friendship which has 
existed between the land which bore him and our own, which claimed 
him as a citizen." 

This paragraph is a forcible reminder of the impressive ceremonial 
witnessed in the streets and harbor of New York city, on Saturday the 23d 
of August, 1890. It had been intimated to this government, as is well 
known, that the government of Sweden would regard it as a graceful act 
if the remains of Captain John Ericsson should be conveyed to his native 
country upon a United States man-of-war ; and arrangements having been 
completed, the Baltimore was assigned to the service. The day selected 
for the departure was fair; the First and Second avenues were bathed in 
a flood of summer sunlight as the casket of the great inventor was brought 
from the vault of the little Marble cemetery and placed upon draped 
pedestals near the main gate. Across it lay the old banner of the Monitor, 
which together with the Swedish flag was encircled by a laurel wreath. 
The Swedish singing societies, two hundred strong, gathered about the 
bier and sang the sweet, sonorous battle prayer of Sweden, which con- 
stituted the only service." At its close the casket was placed in the hearse 
drawn by four splendid black horses, and the solemn procession moved 
through Second avenue to St. Mark's place, through Astor place to Broad- 
way, thence to the Battery. 

An immense multitude of people were massed along the line of march, 
thronging the windows and roofs of the buildings, as well as the sidewalks, 
the colors of Sweden and our own red, white, and blue everywhere dis- 
played at half-mast, and a reverent silence one of the striking features 
of the imposing scene. The procession was an hour and a half in passing 

Vol. XXV. -No. i.-i 


any given point. Nine carriages followed the hearse, the first occupied by 
Secretary Tracy of the navy and Admiral Worden, the second by the 
mayor of New York city and the mayor of Brooklyn. One carriage which 
preceded the platoon of police bore a model of the old Monitor. The 
strains of the Swedish national hymn, heard in the distance, announced to 
the waiting crowds at the Battery the approach of the funeral cortege, 
and the remains of Sweden's honored son were presently transferred to 
the tug Nina, and placed upon a catafalque. The Nina steamed down the 
bay to the Baltimore with barely enough headway to be steered, attended 
by the Catalpa, having on board such distinguished guests as could not 
find room on the Nina, while upon either side of them and maintaining 
the same relative rate of speed, were the boats, thirty-two in all, of the 
war-ships in the harbor. The water was literally covered with a flotilla 
of steamers, yachts, tugs, and other sea craft. The colors of the squad- 
ron were at half-mast, and minute-guns were fired from the monitor Nan- 
tucket during the passage to the ship. In committing the illustrious dead 
to the care of the commander of the Baltimore, Mr. George H. Robinson 
said: "We send him back crowned with honor, proud of the life of fifty 
years he devoted to this nation, and with gratitude for his gifts to us." 
Captain Schley responded with much feeling, expressing the pride and 
pleasure with which the officers and men of the vessel regarded their 
assignment to the sacred duty. As the Baltimore proceeded to sea every 
vessel mastheaded her colors as she passed, displayed the Swedish ensign, 
and fired a salute of twenty-one guns. 

The heart of our republic was in the homage paid to the memory of 
John Ericsson. What man in American history ever received a higher 
tribute ? 

Our readers need no introduction to the distinguished engineer who 
in the moment of gravest peril gave to the United States navy the 
Monitor, and in her gave to all the navies of the globe the germ of the 
modern battle-ship ; but there are many facts in connection with his 
lineage, education, experiences, and character, replete with interest and 
instruction, which should be better known to the general public. William 
C. Church has demonstrated in his Life of John Ericsson that genius does 
not spring into existence at call. Ericsson was prepared for the emer- 
gency, had become through untiring study and practice a master of 
his profession to its minutest details, and knew what was necessary to be 
done and exactly how to do it.* He was apparently the only man in 

• * Life of John Ericsson. By William Conant Church. Vols. I. and II. 8vo, pp. 303, 357. 
Illustrated. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1890. 


America at the time, and doubtless the only man living, who could have 
built the fighting machine which stopped the Merrimac's destructive 

11 John Ericsson," says his accomplished biographer, " lived for his 
work, and he had no wish that anything beyond a record of that should 
survive him." His industry was marvelous, even to the end of his long 
and useful career, and his achievements so varied and of such magnitude 
that it is difficult to grasp them as a whole or designate which has had 


the most wide-spread influence. He enjoyed dwelling upon the fact in 
his later life that he was in good working condition for three hundred 
and sixty-five days in the year. He resided for a quarter of a century 
in Beach street, New York city, the southern boundary of St. John's 
park. This house was purchased in 1864, and an observatory built upon 

* Our readers will remember a graphic description of the building of the Monitor, which 
appeared in the January number, 1885, of this magazine. Also a letter from C. S. Bushnell, in 
the February number, 1885, containing supplementary information on the same theme ; and a 
letter from Ericsson himself on the origin of the name Monitor. 


the roof for solar experiments. Mr. Church tells us in his interesting 
volumes that this home " was one of a row of comfortable residences 
standing on full city lots, and having an air of dignity and old time 
elegance, recalling the days when the City Hall park was a centre of 
fashion. The noble trees were in full view from Ericsson's front win- 
dows. The marble steps, the carved door-casings and fan-lights, the 
massive mahogany fittings of the interior, all bespoke the state of earlier 
occupants.* The forces of steam and iron, which its new owner had spent 
his life developing, were fast transforming that quarter of the town, but 
this little oasis of a park still remained as a memorial of better days. 
Commerce now pressed in from all sides and soon the park grounds were 
in demand for a freight depot ; railroad cars and tracks displaced the 
stately trees ; bare walls succeeded to pleasant verdure ; the rattle of 
carts and the screech of locomotives followed the singing of birds and the 
chatter of squirrels. 

To oblige a friend, Ericsson joined in the transfer of the park rights to 
the Hudson River Railway Company ; but if he lost this bit of sentiment 
out of his life he gratified a deeper feeling by succoring starving Swedes 
with the money he thus received. The neighborhood henceforth deterio- 
rated rapidly in character, and a tenement population displaced the more 
quiet residents. . . . The room used by Ericsson when at work was 
large and pleasant, occupying the entire front of twenty-five feet, the par- 
tition of the hall bedroom having been cut away to form an alcove. 
Here stood the table covered by the inclined drawing-board upon which 
the master's hand had wrought such marvels. . . . His parlor and 
dining-room, with their heavy chandeliers and mantel mirrors, had a 
certain air of old-fashioned dignity, but the handsomely finished and 
exquisitely polished specimens of his solar apparatus occupied every 
corner of the parlor and gave it the appearance of an alcove in the patent 
office. An oil portrait belonging to a friend, a bust of Mr. E. W. 
Stoughton, an elaborately engraved and framed copy of the resolutions 
passed by the legislature of the state of New York on the occasion of the 
Monitor fight, and a portrait of Gustavus V. Fox, were the only speci- 
mens of artistic adornment displayed about the house. Ericsson never 
found time for the cultivation of a taste for art, and there was a note- 
worthy absence in his house of everything appealing to aesthetic senti- 
ment ; but the pins in the cushion on his bedroom bureau were always 
arranged by himself so that they should be in exact mathematical rows." 

* A picture of St. John's park when it was considered the most eligible place of residence 
in New York city was published by this magazine in March, 1890, Vol. XXIII., p. 183. 



John Ericsson's birth-place in Sweden is marked .by a large granite 
monument erected in 1867. His father was a mining proprietor and his 
mother an energetic, intellectual, and high-spirited woman. His brother 
Nils, one year older than himself, was trained as an engineer, became 
chief of the construction of the system of government railways in Sweden, 
was created a baron, and retired in 1862 with a pension larger than any 
before bestowed upon a Swedish subject. His sister Caroline, born in 
1800, was a girl of unusual beauty. As a boy John was the wonder of the 
neighborhood. The machinery at the mines was to him an endless source 


of curiosity and delight. He was constantly trying to make models even 
before he had learned to read. He had from his own plans constructed 
a miniature saw-mill prior to his tenth birthday, and made numerous 
drawings of a complicated character. The graphic account of his youth 
and early manhood which Mr. Church presents is full of suggestion and 
instruction. The boy was too much occupied with his contrivances to 
join in the pastimes of other children. His opportunities were unusually 
stimulating. The project of the Gota canal company, one of the most 
formidable undertakings of its kind, was revived when he was about 
ten years old, his father being appointed one of its engineers, holding 


place next to that of the chief of the work. This opened a new world 
of ideas, and the little fellow undertook all manner of schemes. He was 
independent of outside assistance. Steel tweezers borrowed from his 
mother's dressing-case and ground to a point furnished him with a draw- 
ing pen, and his compasses were made of birch-wood with needles inserted 
at the end of the legs. Later on he robbed his mother's sable cloak of 
the hairs required for two small brushes, in order to complete his draw- 
ings in appropriate colors. The clever lad attracted the notice of some 
of the greatest mechanical draughtsmen in Sweden, who made him 
drawings to serve as models, and taught him many of the principles of 
the art. Finally the celebrated engineer Count Platen becoming inter- 
ested, appointed him a cadet in the corps of mechanical engineers, and 
such was his progress in sketching profiles, maps, and drawings for the 
archives of the canal company, that in 1816, at the age of thirteen, he was 
made assistant leveller at the station of Riddarhagen. The next year he 
was employed to set out the work for six hundred operatives, though he 
was yet too small to reach the eye-piece of his leveling instrument with- 
out the aid of a stool carried by an attendant. Thus it will be seen that 
he was identified almost from his cradle with great engineering works. 
His father died in 1818, and in 1820, when seventeen, he entered the 
Swedish army as an ensign and was rapidly promoted to a lieutenantcy. 

The skill of young Ericsson in topographical drawing was so marked 
that he was soon summoned to the royal palace to draw maps to illustrate 
the campaigns of the marshal of the empire. He also passed with dis- 
tinction a competitive examination for an appointment on the survey of 
northern Sweden. This new employment was exacting, and the pay deter- 
mined by the amount of work accomplished. Mr. Church says : " The 
young surveyor from the Gota canal was so indefatigable in his industry 
and so rapid in execution, that he performed double duty and was carried 
on the pay-roll as two persons in order to avoid criticism and charges of 
favoritism. The results of his labors were maps of fifty square miles of 
territory, still preserved in the archives of Stockholm." 

In the meantime John Ericsson worked at odd moments and at night in 
preparing a work for publication, containing the sketches and mechanical 
drawings he had accumulated during his service under Count Platen, with 
a full description of the machinery and methods used in canal work, the 
locks, and the various appliances for transportation. Having selected the 
drawings he decided to execute his own engravings. Obtaining leave of 
absence he went to Stockholm and applied to one of the best engravers 
for permission to inspect his tools ; and, says Mr. Church, " was laughed at 


for his simplicity in supposing that he was to be thus permitted to learn 
the mysteries of the craft. Nothing daunted he hastened to his room and 
began with energy to devise a machine for engraving. This he was pres- 
ently able to show in triumph to the disobliging craftsman. Back to his 
station he went with his new machine and commenced work upon the sixty- 
five plates of copper carried with him. Within a year he had completed 
eighteen plates, averaging in size fifteen by twenty inches. One of these 


Ni 41 



plates, the second one completed, was reproduced in a Swedish illustrated 
magazine and is given here. In acknowledging the receipt of a copy of 
this, Ericsson said : ' I remember very well the surprise of certain en- 
gravers at the sharp white edges of the pump rods against the dark 
ground. The plan of rubbing these parts with a fine varnish before the 
plates were prepared for the aquafortis, which suggested itself to the 
beginner, enabled him to surpass the work of experienced artists.' " 

The volume was never finished. Major Pentz who was to translate it 


into German to give it foreign currency completed only the preface. 
Ericsson found that the swift changes in the applications of machinery 
and the use of new methods were rendering the knowledge acquired at 
Gota out of date. Thus he abandoned the undertaking. As Major Pentz 
had advanced some money to purchase the copper-plates the engravings 
were assigned to him in payment. These incidents in connection with 
the undertaking serve to illustrate the originality and ingenuity of young 
Ericsson, whose capacity for absorbing knowledge wherever he could 
find it was extraordinary. 

At the age of twenty-one John Ericsson " is described as a handsome, 
dashing youth, with a cluster of thick, brown glossy curls encircling 
his white massive forehead. His mouth was delicate • but firm, nose 
straight, eyes light blue, clear and bright, with a slight expression 
of sadness, his complexion brilliant with the freshness and glow of 
healthy youth. The broad shoulders carried most splendidly the proud, 
erect head. He presented, in short, the very picture of vigorous man- 
hood. A portrait of him at this age, painted upon ivory for his mother 
by an English artist named Way, has been preserved and is reproduced 
here." * 

Fifteen years later he was in New York, and is thus described by 
Samuel Risley : " Captain Ericsson all his life was careful of his personal 
appearance; at the time I refer to (1839) ne was exceptional in dress, not 
dandified, but more in keeping with the present morning call attire than 
an ordinary day habit. A close-fitting black frock surtout coat, well 
open at the front, with rolling-collar, showing velvet vest and a good 
display of shirt front ; a fine gold chain hung about his neck, looped at 
the first button-hole of the vest and attached to a watch carried in the 
fob of the vest. Usually light-colored, well-fitting trousers, light-colored 
kid gloves, and a beaver hat completed the dress. To this add a well- 
built military figure, about five feet ten and one-half inches in height and 
well set-up, with broad shoulders and rather large hands and feet; the 
head well placed and supported by a military stock round the neck. 
Expressive features, blue eyes, and brown curly hair, fair complexion. 
His head was of medium size, his mouth well cut, upper lip a little 
drawn, the jaws large and firm set, conveying an expression of firmness 

* Through the courtesy of the publishers, Charles Scribner's Sons, we are permitted to place 
this early portrait before our readers. Our frontispiece is from an admirable portrait later in life, 
in possession of Mr. Church ; also the very excellent portrait of Nils Ericsson. We are further 
indebted to the publishers for the specimens of Ericsson's drawings, his " Home in Beach Street," 
the " Headquarters Gota Canal Company," the " Novelty with a Train of Engines and Coaches in 
1829," and the " Battle of the Monitor." 


and individual character. Up to the summer of 1842 I was in constant 
attendance upon the captain, being a sort of factotum to him in prepar- 
ing his models. At that time he boarded at the Astor House where I 
first met his wife. His manner with strangers was courteous and 
extremely taking. He invariably made friends of high and low alike. 



With those in immediate contact in carrying out his work he was very 

Mr. Church devotes three chapters to a delightfully condensed account 
of Ericsson's career in England, whither he went in 1826 to exhibit his 
flame engine. He quickly formed a partnership with John Braithwaite, a 
working engineer, and in his new field of activity produced invention after 
invention in such rapid succession that the truth reads like a fairy-tale. 
An instrument for taking sea-soundings, a hydrostatic weighing-machine, 


his improvements in the steam-engine — dispensing with huge smoke-stacks, 
economizing fuel, using compressed air and the artificial draught — and in 
surface condensation, were the work of this period, during which he also 
invented the steam fire-engine, which excited great interest in London. 
The famous battle of the locomotives in 1829 brought the young man of 
twenty-six before the English public in a manner never to be forgotten. 
At that date Stephenson himself dared not say very much about the speed 
of the locomotive. Had he ventured to predict that it would reach 
twenty miles an hour on the railway he would have been laughed out of 
court. He cautiously expressed his faith in the possibility of running it 
ten miles an hour, and multitudes regarded the experiment with consterna- 
tion. There was great prejudice then existing in England against rail- 
roads. It was a mode of conveyance that would bring noble and peasant 
to a common level, and fashion clung tenaciously to its earlier incon- 
veniences, which had at least the merit of being exclusive. 

But in spite of the baleful prophecies concerning the locomotive 
engine, the officials of the projected railroad between Liverpool and 
Manchester, where the cars were expected to be drawn by horses, offered 
a premium of .£500 for the best locomotive capable of drawing a gross 
weight of twenty tons at the rate of ten miles an hour. The conditions 
required a run of seventy miles. Five months were allowed for building 
the engines. Ericsson heard of the project only seven weeks before the 
appointed time of trial, and at once determined to compete. He hastily 
built the " Novelty," assisted by Braithwaite, and when the exhibition 
came off his was practically the only locomotive which disputed for the 
supremacy with Stephenson's " Rocket." But a portion of the railroad 
had yet been finished ; thus the competing locomotives were compelled to 
cover their distance by making twenty trips back and forth over one and 
three-quarter miles of track. The excitement was intense. The London 
Times next morning said : " The ' Novelty ' was the lightest and most ele- 
gant carriage on the road yesterday, and the velocity with which it moved 
surprised and amazed every beholder. It shot along the line at the amaz- 
ing rate of thirty miles an hour! It seemed, indeed, to fly, presenting 
one of the most sublime spectacles of human ingenuity and human daring 
the world ever beheld." 

Ericsson had really built a much faster locomotive than Stephenson's 
" Rocket ; " and although it had been constructed with such celerity that 
it broke down before the final point was reached, and he thereby lost the 
prize, yet the superiority of the- principle involved in it was universally 
recognized. John Bourn said : " To most men the production of such an 



[From pen-and-ink drawing by C. B. Vignoles.~\ 

engine would have constituted an adequate claim to celebrity. In the 
case of Ericsson, it is only a single star of the brilliant galaxy with which 
his shield is spangled." " We may imagine," writes Mr. Church, " the 
excitement following the announcement in the Times concerning the per- 
formance of the ' Novelty,' for to this engine England's great daily devoted 
chief attention. Railroad shares leaped at once to a premium, and excited 
groups gathered on 'change to discuss the wonderful event. The pessi- 
mists were silenced, and the art of modern railway travel inaugurated. A 
grand banquet was given in Liverpool to the directors and officers of the 
railway and to the competing locomotive builders. Toasts and speeches 
followed ; and if Ericsson did not carry home with him the ^500 offered 
as a prize, he at least made himself known to all England as one of the 
rising men of his profession. 

Ericsson's long-cherished plan of a caloric engine was realized in 
1833, and was hailed with astonishment by the scientific world of London. 
Lectures were delivered on it by Dr. Dionysius Lardner and Michael 
Faraday, and it was much praised by Dr. Alexander Ure and Sir Richard 
Phillips. In 1836 Ericsson invented and patented the screw propeller, 
which revolutionized navigation, and in 1837 built a steam vessel having 
twin screw propellers, which, on trial towed the American packet-ship 
Toronto at the rate of five miles an hour on the river Thames. In 1838 
he constructed the iron screw steamer Robert F. Stockton, which crossed 
the Atlantic under canvas in 1839, an< ^ was afterward employed as a tug- 
boat on the Delaware river for a quarter of a century. Within ten years 
Ericsson patented thirty inventions considered by him of sufficient 
importance to claim a place in the list, that in 1863 numbered one 

A notable feature of the admirable work of Mr. Church is the elucida- 
tions of the truth, so often overlooked, that events never spring into being 
disjoined from antecedents leading to them. He explains how the varied 
achievements of John Ericsson were developed, showing with great force 
and in imperishable colors the steps to his successes, and the help the 


famous engineer derived in later life from the studies and experiments of 
his earlier career. Mr. Church, as the literary executor of Ericsson, has 
had unrivalled opportunities for examining the accumulation of data, 
which throw light all along the way, and while dealing with the masterly 
engineering exploits of his subject, does not forget that he had a human 
side, and presents him with all his hopes and fears and failures, his aims, 
his obstacles, his courage, and his habits and eccentricities. Ericsson cer- 
tainly cherished a very high ideal, and was free to an unusual extent 
from mercenary motives. His inventions did not always pay; he found 
this a weary world for those who see beyond their fellows. Some of his 
mechanical contrivances in common use to-day dated so far back of the 
memory of any one living that before he died he often learned that he 
was supposed to have copied from others what he, in fact, originated him- 
self or first brought into use. 

The barriers of tradition and prejudice had to be overcome with his 
every new invention. The introduction of steam in any shape to the 
English navy was sharply opposed. It is interesting to trace the incidents, 
apparently without connection, which stand in orderly relations one to an- 
other as essential parts of an intelligent design. Ericsson was in America 
at the critical moment when all the experiences of his previous life were 
to be brought into full play ; when he was to take part in an enterprise 
involving the existence of a nation, the hopes of. humanity. He was 
ready to meet the strain of a demand to which no other living man was 
adequate. He was then fifty-eight years of age, with the constitution and 
the vital forces of a man of forty, and such experience in actual accom- 
plishment as few acquire in the longest span of a lifetime. 

When he received the order of our government for the Monitor his plans 
were already drawn. He had been at work for years perfecting his system 
of aquatic attack, originally inspired for the protection of Sweden against 
foreign aggression, and had in 1854 submitted his drawings to the emperor 
of France. The story of his proceedings in Washington is familiar to our 
readers, but in these notable volumes of Mr. Church it is told with a full- 
ness of detail never before attempted. The Monitor in all its parts was 
designed by Ericsson, and fortunately for the country he was allowed to 
superintend its construction. His former plans, however, had to be care- 
fully revised to meet the novel conditions of life in a submerged structure. 
It was estimated that this iron-clad vessel contained at least forty patent- 
able contrivances. The entire resources of modern engineering knowledge 
were brought to bear upon the solution of the problem of an impregnable 
battery, armed with guns of the heaviest calibre then known, hull shot- 




proof from stem to stern, rudder and propeller protected against the 
enemy's fire, and above all having the advantage of light draught. Erics- 
son was made responsible for the successful working of his vessel in every 
respect. The anxiety of the government was such that every stage in the 
progress of the work toward completion was watched with restless inter- 
est. Ericsson's nerves and sinews seemed to be made of steel. He scarcely 
took time to eat or sleep, and he was deluged with a continuous tempest 
of criticism, warning, and advice, from those who knew nothing about the 
intricacies of science involved in the undertaking. The least halting, even 
trifling delay, confusion of mind, or weakness of body, and the story of 
Hampton Roads might not have been written. 

The Monitor was finished and left the harbor of New York for Wash- 
ington on the afternoon of March 6, 1862, in tow of a tug, and accompanied 
by two naval steamers. Chief Engineer Alban S. Stimers, U. S. N., who 


was on the vessel as a passenger, described in a letter dated March 9, 
1862, to Ericsson, the dramatic incidents attending its arrival at Hampton 
Roads. w After a stormy passage we fought the Merrimac for more than 
three hours this forenoon, and sent her back to Norfolk in a sinking con- 
dition. Iron-clad against iron-clad, we maneuvered about the bay here, 
and went at each other with mutual fairness. I consider that both ships 
were well fought. We were struck twenty-two times — pilot-house twice, 
turret nine times, deck three times, sides eight times. The only vulner- 
able point was the pilot-house. One of your great logs (nine by twelve 
inches thick) is broken in two. The shot struck just outside of where the 
captain had his eye, and disabled him by destroying his left eye and 
temporarily blinding the other. She tried to run us down and sink us as 
she did the Cumberland yesterday, but she got the worst of it. Her horn 
passed over our deck, and our sharp, upper-edged _rail cut through the 
light-iron shoe upon her stern and well into her oak. She will not try 
that again. She gave us a tremendous thump, but did not injure us in the 
least ; we were just able to find the point of contact. The turret is a 
splendid structure. You were very correct in your estimate of the effect 
of shot upon the man on the inside of the turret when it struck near him. 
Three men were knocked down, of whom I was one. The other two had 
to be carried below, but I was not disabled at all, and the others recovered 
before the battle was over. Captain Worden [afterward admiral] sta- 
tioned himself at the pilot-house. Greene fired the guns, and I turned 
the turret until the captain was disabled and was relieved by Greene, 
when I managed the turret myself, Master Stoddard having been one of 
the two stunned men. 

Captain Ericsson, I congratulate you upon your great success ; thou- 
sands here this day bless you. I have heard whole crews cheer you ; every 
man feels that you have saved the nation by furnishing us with the means 
to whip an iron-clad frigate that was, until our arrival, having it all her 
own way with our most powerful vessels." 

If space permitted it would be interesting to trace the career of Erics- 
son in detail after the success of the Monitor. There was an imperative 
demand for armor-clads and ere long several were built by the inventor and 
his associates. Ericsson was never idle. In connection with his labors 
upon war vessels he expended no small amount of ingenuity on the im- 
provement of heavy guns, his efforts in/this field being directed by a most 
exhaustive study into the strength of materials, the operation of explosive 
forces, and the laws governing the flight of projectiles. In 1869 he con- 
structed for the Spanish government a fleet of thirty steam gun-boats, 


intended to guard Cuba against filibustering parties. In i88r he devised 
his latest war-vessel the Destroyer, the object of which he said was " simply 
to demonstrate the practicability of sub-marine artillery, unquestionably 
the most effective, as well as the cheapest device for protecting the sea- 
ports of the Union against iron-clad ships. I do not," he continued, 
" seek emoluments, as I am financially independent ; but I am anxious to 
benefit the great and liberal country, which has enabled me to carry out 
important works which I should not have carried out on a monarchical 
soil." His investigations included computations of the influences which 
retard the earth's rotary motion ; he erected a " sun motor" in 1883, to 
develop the power obtained from the supply of mechanical energy in the 
sun, and he contributed numerous valuable papers to various journals in 
America and Europe on scientific, naval, and mechanical themes. 

The year in which John Ericsson reached the culmination of his fame, 
1862, was the same in which his brother Nils retired from active life in 
Sweden. The latter had retained his position on the Gota canal when his 
brother left it in 1820, and gradually won his way to fame and fortune. 
" He was a man of industry and energy, of sterling integrity and public 
spirit, and an excellent organizer, while his conservative and cautious tem- 
perament and his skill in bending others to his purposes enabled him to 
make the most of his opportunities." After he received his title he altered 
the spelling of his name and became Baron Ericson. This change gave 
great offence to John, who wrote to Nils : " I can never forget the 
unpleasantness caused me by this annulling of relationship. Possibly your 
wife has had her share in it. If so, she will find some day that the blotted- 
out letter will cost her children half a million." 

. Some of the most interesting chapters in the work of Mr. Church relate 
to the personal characteristics of John Ericsson. He was generous to his 
friends, and his benefactions to Sweden were considerable. The financial 
side of his affairs from year to year appears as well as the record of his 
failures and successes. It is difficult to grasp the whole man and present 
him to the reader in all his many-sided aspects or to touch upon the 
variety of his studies, endeavors, schemes, and achievements, without 
danger of bewilderment. His biographer has done all this, however, in 
the most skillful and acceptable manner. 

A list of the honors conferred upon Ericsson would fill one of our pages, 
and some of the medals received were very beautiful. He was decorated 
as Knight of the Order of Vasa, which was founded by Gustavus III. to 
reward important service to the nation ; he was made Knight Commander 
of the Order of the North Star, for promoting the public good and useful 




institutions ; a commander of the Order of St. Olof, to reward distinction 
in the arts and- sciences; received the Grand Cross of the Order of Naval 
Merit, with the White Badge and Star, from King Alfonso of Spain, 
which confers personal nobility and bestowed upon Ericsson the title of 
41 Excellency ; " a special gold medal from the Emperor of Austria, in be- 
half of science ; a gold medal from the Society of Iron-Masters in Sweden ; 
thanks under the royal seal and signature from Sweden ; joint resolutions 
of thanks from the United States congress ; thanks from the legislature of 
New York, and of other states ; from the chamber of commerce ; from 
boards of trade in many cities ; and he was elected to honorary member- 
ship in scientific, historical, literary, religious, and agricultural institutions 
innumerable. Among them all he took the most pride in his simple title 
of captain, and in the diploma of LL.D. received from the Wesleyan 
University in 1862. 

Vol. XXV.-No. i.— 2 


Some five miles from the great dome of the Capitol, in a northeasterly 
direction, just where the old Washington and Baltimore turnpike crosses 
the eastern branch of the Potomac, sometimes called the Anacostia river r 
is a village which without any particular fault of its inhabitants will doubt- 
less through all our future history bear an unenviable fame. 

This undesirable notoriety attaching to the little hamlet of Bladens- 
burg is properly due to two causes : on the 24th of August, 1 8 14, was here 
fought that ill-starred battle, prior to the capture of Washington and the 
burning of its public buildings; and near here, a short half-mile from the 
bridge which still spans the little stream, and within a stone's throw of the 
identical spot where the heroic Barney came so near redeeming that un- 
fortunate day — in a little ravine lying just below the turnpike— is the cele- 
brated " field of honor," where has been settled more " affairs " than any 
other one locality in our country, or perhaps in the world. 

To the sight-seer of the present in the sleepy little town of Bladens- 
burg the inhabitants are fond of descanting upon the traditional glories of 
its history. It is said to have been a thriving port of trade long before 
Washington city came into existence, perhaps even before Georgetown 1 
was planted by Scotch thrift, or the tobacco warehouse of Bell-Haven 
metamorphosed into Alexandria. Sloops sailed up the eastern branch of 
the Potomac and discharged their English cargoes at the substantial wharf 
at the foot of the main street, lading again for the mother country with 
the one universal staple of all the region roundabout — tobacco. The 
ancient hotel, where one may yet sit down to an old-fashioned Maryland 
dinner, is built of bricks brought from England and discharged in bulk not 
more than a stone's throw from where they stand to-day. While the din- 
ner is being prepared under the supervision of half a dozen colored cooks 
and assistants in true ante-bellum style the landlord will relate the story 
of the great Washington himself, who once spent a night beneath his roof. 

Who shall say he did not? Albeit the George Washington house of 
to-day, aged and quaint though it be, is not the celebrated Bladensburg 
tavern in which the Father of his Country doubtless was sometimes a 
guest, and which many years later gathered wider though less desir- 
able fame as a resort for those seeking satisfaction for real or imaginary 
wrongs upon the adjacant field of blood. That historic building, after 



many years of the very extremity of architectural decrepitude, has recently 
been razed to the ground, and nothing now remains to mark the spot save 
a portion of the cellar walls and some heaps of rubbish. In that desolate 
spot, flanked on one side by the straggling street and on the other by the 
weed-grown common, it requires small stretch of the imagination to read 
the epitome of the village itself. Verily its glory has departed. The 
wharves where once a busy traffic flourished have decayed, and the harbor 
where idoops rode at anchor is choked with the debris. No vessel now 


floats upon the insignificant stream save perchance a fisherman's skiff or a 

Does the blood of the lamented Mason and the brilliant Decatur cry 
aloud from the barren soil of the desolate ravine just over the hill? Does 
the genius of a barbarous custom yet hover with blighting pinions over the 
spot, fixing its mark alike upon the works of man and the face of nature ? 

The history of the village, so far as future chroniclers will care to write 
or future generations to read, begins on that memorable 24th of August, 
1814, when some six or seven thousand American militia troops under 
General Winder encountered about forty-five hundred trained and veteran 
British regulars under comman.d of General Ross, and sustained the defeat 
resulting in the capture of the capital, as already stated. This battle, and 
the subsequent destruction of Washington, has ever since been regarded 


with sorrow by every patriotic American citizen ; and yet our forces 
engaged in the unfortunate affair are entitled to more consideration and 
credit in the estimation of succeeding generations than they have received. 

The careful student of the engagement with its consequences cannot 
resist the conclusion that the army, from the unfortunate Winder himself 
down to the crudest militiaman of the whole hastily gathered band, were 
the victims of circumstances almost entirely beyond their control — wholly 
so, so far as the rank and file were concerned. Perhaps nine-tenths of the 
readers of to-day, who have thought at all of the matter, have little more 
than a half-defined idea that this engagement was a mere brush, a slight 
skirmish of perhaps thirty minutes' duration, at the end of which the panic- 
stricken Americans fled like frightened sheep along the road to Washing- 
ton and Georgetown, or scattered like partridges in the woods. Such was 
not the fact. The winning of Bladensburg cost the British more than 
three hours' hard fighting and five hundred of their best men in killed and 
wounded ; among the latter were some of their bravest officers. 

When we consider that the whole of the American forces, with the ex- 
ception of the six hundred marines under Barney, were untrained militia- 
men, most of them less than a week removed from the peaceful avocations 
•of the plow, the shop, or the counting-house ; that they were here for the 
first time under fire ; that they had spent the two or three days immedi- 
ately before the battle marching and counter-marching beneath the burn- 
ing August sun, in the vain effort to ascertain where the hovering enemy 
intended to strike ; that many of them were sick and debilitated from loss 
of sleep and insufficient and unaccustomed food, we are no longer surprised 
that they were defeated — but that they fought at all. 

This was not all. A survey of the unfortunate causes which conspired 
to make defeat to our arms on that occasion a foregone conclusion would 
be wholly incomplete without a glance at the part taken by the leaders, 
managers, counselors, advisors, and commanders who figured in the matter. 
A writer of old has said: " In the multitude of counselors there is safety/' 
but in this instance the wisdom of Solomon proved at fault. Perhaps never 
in the history of civilized warfare was battle waged under such depressing 
weight of counsel and command. The position of our troops was well 
chosen. The enemy was forced to admit that much. Just west of the 
river and bridge two roads come together, inclosing a triangular field, 
where our troops formed their first line, with one flank extending to an 
old mill, still standing; and the other, resting upon the height south of the 
turnpike, was composed of two regiments of Baltimore militia and a bat- 
tery of Baltimore artillery, posted so as to command the bridge and road. 



Shortly after these troops had taken their position another body of 
Maryland soldiers, after a forced march of sixteen miles from Annapolis, 
arrived and took position on the right of the road. 

Meanwhile intelligence had reached Washington that the enemy was 
marching upon the city by way of Bladensburg, and General Winder 
at once put his army in motion and about noon arrived upon the scene 
of action and assumed command. He was accompanied or followed to 
the field by the President, the attorney-general, the secretary of state, 
the secretary of war, by other members of the government, and prominent 
citizens. Among those present were Francis Scott Key, who shortly 
afterward wrote the Star Spangled Banner, and Alexander McKim, a 
member of congress from Baltimore. 

It is stated that the President and the members of the cabinet present 
with him inspected the situation and approved the arrangements, and it 
is probable that one or more of the party interfered more or less with the 


commanding general in his further preparations, for it was afterward 
stated that that official was just at this juncture annoyed by "numer- 
ous self-constituted contributors of advice, suggestors of position, and 
intermeddlers with command ; gentlemen of respectability and good will ; 
committees; a whole democracy of commanders industriously helped to 
mar all singleness of purpose and unity of action." 

Under such conditions the very air must have seemed laden with 
defeat to the unfortunate commander. A second line was formed of the 
later arrivals, and before the action commenced still a third line took 
position upon the heights overlooking the field. Commodore Barney with 
his five or six hundred marines and a battery of eighteen-pounders took 
position on the right of the road and quite near the identical spot after- 
ward known as the dueling ground. Another battery of twelve-pounders 
under Captain Miller was stationed on his right. These were supported 
by the militia under command of Colonel Beall on the extreme right, and 
in the sequel the heroism displayed by this combination formed the one 
redeeming feature of the day. Yet it would be a mistake to suppose that 
Barney and Beall did all the fighting on that, ill-starred field. 

The engagement began about one o'clock, when the British deployed 
down the main street of the little village, and after a short reconnoissance 
attempted to cross the bridge. Here they were met by such destructive 
fire from the battery commanding that point and from the sharp-shooters 
sheltered along the margin of the stream that they were thrown into 
confusion and many of their numbers were slain. The check was" only 
temporary. They soon succeeded in passing the bridge, when our artil- 
lerymen together with their supports were forced back. Thereupon the 
main body of the first line was ordered forward, and at once opened a 
destructive fire upon. the advancing enemy. In a few moments the latter 
discharged some rockets, which passing close over the heads of our 
militia caused a panic and they fled in confusion. One regiment, how- 
ever, stood firm and for a short while covered the retreat. These were 
shortly directed to fall back to save them from being outflanked. It was 
a fatal order. The men who had faced the foe like veterans no sooner 
turned their backs than they became infected by the same panic which 
had demoralized their comrades. 

And now the victorious foe swept down the turnpike, meeting with 
little further resistance until they encountered the deadly guns of Bar- 
ney's and Miller's marines. It was a check as sudden as unexpected. 
Again and again the enemy advanced and were as often forced back. For 
a full hour the invaders strove in vain to dislodge that heroic band. 



More than t\yo hundred British soldiers were killed in that part of the 
engagement and several of their officers fell, either killed or wounded. 
Among the latter was the leader of the British assault. Ross himself 
finally came upon the scene, and by a flank movement with fresh troops 
succeeded in dislodging Beall's militia, thus leaving the gallant Barney 
without support, yet still he fought on. His brave marines fell in a circle 
about him ; his charger was shot beneath him ; then the hero himself fell 
with a dangerous wound in the thigh. 

That virtually ended the conflict. The marines attempted to bear 
their noble comkiander from the field, but the severity of his wound 
would not permit, and he was surrendered to a British officer. The 
British commander said of him that night in Washington : " Barney was a 
brave officer ; with only a handful of men he gave us a severe shock. I 
am sorry he was wounded. 
I immediately gave him 
parole and hope he will do 
well. Had half the army 
been such men as he com- 
manded, with the Ameri- 
cans' advantage in choos- 
ing position, we should 
never have got to Wash- 

It is, however, of 
Bladensburg, the dueling 
ground — the " field of honor," the " elsewhere " of gentlemen of the 
*' code " — .that the writer purposes to treat at greater length. It is per- 
haps difficult to explain just why this particular spot should have been 
selected and have become of such universal resort in the unholy custom 
which has given to it an unenviable fame. The most plausible theory is, 
that if men must needs fight, this place combined the advantages of being 
easily accessible from the capital and yet out of the jurisdiction of the 
district ; the near-by village afforded parties an opportunity for rest and 
refreshment before and sometimes after the combat ; and above all, the 
seclusion to be found within the tangled recesses of the lonely ravine, 
screening the duelists alike from the observation of the inquisitive passer- 
by, or the officious meddling of over-zealOus minions of the law. 

The historic ground is just beyond the district line and a short half- 
mile from the village bridge, on the right hand of the turnpike as one 
goes toward Baltimore. A small stream wanders along the bottom of the 


ravine, crossing the road beneath a rude culvert and falling into the river 
a mile below. It is a desolate-looking place, characterized by a thick 
growth of small trees, shrubs, aquatic weeds, and grasses. In an open 
space along the west margin of the brook and only a few yards from the 
road, more than a score of duels have taken place, besides others that 
have occurred in different localities in the immediate neighborhood, and 
it is estimated that the whole number of hostile meetings upon this field 
would aggregate fifty or more. Among the first, so far as the records 
show, was that of Edward Hopkins of Maryland, with an adversary whose 
name has not been preserved. It took place in the year 1814 and resulted 
in the death of Hopkins. It is not known whether this meeting was before 
or after the battle in August of that year. 

It was on the 6th day of February, 18 19, that here occurred the first 
duel that attracted universal attention on account of the prominence of 
the parties, the implacable bitterness of the quarrel, and the melancholy 
results. This was the desperate and fatal encounter between General 
Armisted T. Mason, an ex-senator in congress from Virginia, and Colonel 
John M. M'Carty, a citizen of the same state. It seems the trouble 
between them grew out of that prolific source of quarrels of this kind — 
politics. The principals were relatives — either first or second cousins — 
and the fact seemed to add to the bitterness of their animosity. The 
quarrel had been of long standing, but the immediate cause from which 
grew the fatal meeting was that at a certain election in Virginia General 
Mason challenged M'Carty's right to vote. The latter thereupon chal- 
lenged Mason to fight, and in the excess of his anger so far departed 
from the rules of the code as to prescribe the terms and conditions of the 
meeting. For this reason Mason declined to receive the challenge, at the 
same time notified M'Carty that he was ready to accept a cartel in proper 
form. Thereupon M'Carty published him as a coward. Then in turn 
Mason challenged M'Carty, but the latter now declined on the ground 
that he had posted the other as a coward. At this juncture friends in- 
terfered and the dispute was for a time dropped. Mason's wrongs, 
however, whether real or fancied, still rankled. Some months later he de- 
termined to renew the quarrel. He is said to have reached this deter- 
mination upon the advice of no less an authority than that of General 
Andrew Jackson, who was himself a follower of the " code " both in faith 
and practice. However that may be, it is certain that the exasperated and 
desperate Virginian, with a calm and grim determination — a concentrated 
bitterness — resolved to accept no reparation short of blood or life itself. 
This is proved by the cool deliberation with which he went about his 



preparations. He resigned his commission as general of the Virginia 
militia, made his will, and then renewed his challenge to his adversary. 

In his note to his adversary he says : " I have resigned my commission 
for the special and sole purpose of fighting you, and I am now free to 
accept or send a challenge or fight a duel. ... I am extremely 

anxious to terminate at once and forever this quarrel. My friends and 

are fully authorized to act for me in every particular. Upon receiving 

from you a pledge to fight, they are authorized and instructed at once to 
give the challenge for me, and to make immediately every necessary 


[The turnpike crosses the ravine just behind the willow seen near the centre of the picture. Mason was killed 
near the sycamore on the left of the foreground. Decatur fell, across the stream behind the trees seen on the 
extreme right. The view is taken looking norths 

arrangement for the duel, on any terms you may prescribe." This note, 
without having seen or consulted with his seconds, he enclosed to the 
latter with the following instructions : " You will present the enclosed 
communication to Mr. John M'Carty and tell him at once that you are 
authorized by me to challenge him, in the event of his pledging himself to 
fight. If he will give the pledge, then I desire that you will instantly 
challenge him in my name to fight a duel with me. . . . Agree to any 
terms that he may propose, and to any distance — to three feet, his pre- 
tended favorite distance — or to three inches should his impetuous and rash 
courage prefer it. To any species of fire-arms — pistols, muskets, or rifles 
— agree at once." 


M'Carty refused to accept, and it was only when Mason's seconds 
threatened to post him as a coward that he would agree to fight. But as 
the challenged party, he now proposed his terms. His first offer was that 
he and Mason should leap together from the dome of the Capitol. It was 
declined as being unsanctioned by the " code." He next proposed fighting 
with lighted matches over a barrel of gunpowder. This was declined as 
being calculated to establish a " dangerous precedent." He then proposed 
dirks in a hand-to-hand encounter. This offer was likewise declined. He 
then proposed to fight with muskets loaded with buck-shot, at ten feet 
distance. This offer clearly meant, what both parties were seemingly 
resolved upon, death to one or both, but it was finally accepted ; though 
the terms were afterward so modified as to make the distance twelve feet, 
and a single ball was substituted for the deadly buck-shot. 

The parties repaired to Bladensburg on the evening of the 5th of Feb- 
ruary, that they might be convenient to the fatal field on the following 
morning. They spent the night in the village, most probably devoting the 
intervening time to final preparations. The next morning at eight o'clock 
they repaired to the place of meeting, accompanied by their friends and 
seconds. The expected duel had become generally known in the village 
during the night, and many of the people followed the party to the field. 
The seconds selected a spot a little farther removed from the road than the 
one usually chosen, just around a point where a tributary stream empties 
into the main brook. It was in the midst of a violent snow-storm that the 
two desperate men stood facing each other, the muzzles of their long mus- 
kets almost touching. Mason wore a long overcoat with flowing skirts, the 
other presented himself in his shirt, with sleeves rolled up. If while they 
stood there each facing what seemed instant and certain death, there was 
any abatement of the hatred and bitterness which had so long rankled in 
both hearts, they gave no sign. Not a word passed between them — Mason 
spoke to no one whatever after taking his place upon the ground. 

At the word both fired and both fell, Mason dead — the life literally 
blown out of him, M'Carty dangerously wounded. The long skirt of 
Mason's coat interfered with his aim, thus accounting for the fact that his 
enemy escaped with life. M'Carty survived, but it is said that he was ever 
afterward a changed man — that he never recovered from the haunting 
horror and remorse which the memory of that bloody morning cast over 
his remaining years. 

To any lingering believers in the ethics of the " code," if such there be 
in this enlightened day, it must be a source of gratification to learn from 
the account published by the seconds of Mason soon after, " that the 


affair, although fatally, was honorably terminated, and the deportment of 
the friends of Mr. M'Carty throughout the whole business was perfectly 
correct." The duel, however, which gave the field of Bladensburg its 
greatest and world-wide notoriety was that of James Barron and Stephen 
Decatur, both officers in the United States navy, on the 22d of March, 

In the long and bloody record of the " code " inscribed upon the his- 
tory of the first half-century of our national existence, this melancholy 
and unfortunate afkir ranks second only to that in which the lamented 
Hamilton lost his me at Weehawken in 1804. At the time of his death 
Stephen Decatur was the most brilliant and conspicuous figure in the 
American navy, and few men in any of the walks of public life attracted a 
larger share of public attention or had a stronger hold upon the affections 
of the people. It may be said that he was born into the naval service. 
His father and grandfather before him had followed the sea. At the age 
of nineteen he obtained a midshipman's warrant, and took service in the 
frigate United States, in the very last years of the last century. He is 
described as being at that time " well informed for his age, chivalrous in 
temper, courteous in his deportment, and adding grace of manner to an 
attractive person." His promotion was rapid. He became a lieutenant 
in 1799. When, in 1801, our naval force was cut down, he was one of the 
thirty-six officers of that grade retained out of a total of one hundred and 
ten. Soon after war broke out with the Barbary powers, and in February, 
1804, he performed the daring feat of capturing and burning the ill-fated 
Philadelphia as she lay moored beneath the guns of Tripoli. For that gal- 
lant service he was made a captain, and the next year, after the conclusion 
of peace, he sailed home irt command of the frigate Congress. 

The fame of his achievements in thus humbling the proud piratical 
power to which all European nations had paid tribute preceded him, and 
he was everywhere received with the greatest enthusiasm. When the war 
of 1812 came his broad pennant of commodore floated over the frigate 
United States, and in that vessel he shortly after fought the brilliant 
engagement with the British vessel Macedonian, which prize he captured 
and brought safely into port. After the conclusion of peace with Eng- 
land two squadrons were fitted out to proceed again to the Mediterranean, 
the pirates having assailed our commerce during the war. One squadron 
was placed under the command of Decatur and the other under that of 
Bainbridge. They now made complete the work of ten years before. 

Decatur captured two Algerine war vessels ; he forced the dev to 
abandon forever all claim of tribute from the United States ; he de- 


manded and secured the release of all Christian prisoners ; he secured 
indemnity from the bey of Tunis and the pacha of Tripoli for violation 
of their treaties, and obtained the release of the prisoners held by them. 
In short he humbled and for a time completely overawed the powers 
which had levied shameful tribute upon the commerce of the whole civil- 
ized world. They never again molested that of the United States. 

For this service all Europe gave him fame and thanks. At home the 
president eulogized his deeds in his message to congress. When he re- 
turned in 1816 to his native land the country was ablaze with enthusiasm, 
and cities and corporations vied with each other in doing him honor. He 
was appointed to the office of navy commissioner, and for the next four 
years devoted his energies to building up the young navy of the republic. 

Such was Decatur the brilliant, the hero of two worlds, the idol of 
the populace. Nor was his, as is too often the case, a one-sided life or 
character. His domestic relations were as happy and charming as his 
public career was brilliant. On Lafayette square in Washington he built 
the commodious and elegant mansion which still bears his name. Here 
were displayed the trophies of his prowess and glory. Here the accom- 
plished wife who adored him dispensed a hospitality as refined and ele- 
gant as it was hearty — reigned the queen of a circle that for brilliancy 
and accomplishments has never been exceeded in Washington. Yet from 
this pinnacle of fame and domestic felicity he descended to fling away 
his life in obedience to the behest of a custom as barbarous as it was 

Our sympathy is not all due to Decatur. To the careful reader who 
follows the long correspondence between the two the conclusion is almost 
irresistible that although the challenged party he was in fact the aggressor. 
The culmination of the quarrel between the two men was the result of a 
long series of events, extending through several years. Singularly enough, 
its origin may be found in certain events largely instrumental in bringing 
on the war of 1812. It will be remembered that one of the principal 
causes of that war was, that Great Britain claimed and exercised the right 
of stopping our vessels wherever found upon the high seas; of searching 
them for British citizens or seamen, and of impressing into her marine ser- 
vice whomsoever her officers might decide to fall within that category. 
That tyrannical and untenable doctrine caused the. war of 1812, although 
it was not mentioned in the peace treaty which followed that struggle. 

In 1807 Barron, who had attained the rank of commodore, was placed 
in command of the United States frigate Chesapeake. It was just when 
our affairs with France had assumed their most threatening aspect — when 


war with that power seemed imminent. The vessel, after undergoing hasty 
repairs, had been hurriedly manned, provisioned, and ordered to sea. Her 
decks were encumbered with stores, and her crew were undrilled in their 
new quarters and duties. Just out from the port of Norfolk it was over- 
hauled by the British ship Leopard, of fifty guns, whose commander de- 
manded certain alleged British deserters said to be among the crew of the 
American. Barron refused to surrender the men, and thereupon the Leop- 
ard opened fire, killing three and wounding eighteen of the Chesapeake 's 
men. Wholly unprepared for action, the latter vessel was forced to strike 
her colors, though her crew managed to fire one gun by a coal brought 
from the cook's galley. Thereupon the British commander boarded the 
American and carried off the alleged deserters. His action was after- 
ward repudiated by hiAgovernment, the men were restored to the Chesa- 
peake, and an indemnity in money was paid. 

This outrage upon our flag excited universal and burning indignation 
in the popular mind. A court of inquiry was ordered to investigate the 
affair, and upon its recommendation Barron was tried by a court-martial. 
By that body he was found guilty, and suspended from rank and pay 
for a period of five years. There is little doubt now that this sentence 
was wholly undeserved ; that the fault lay not with the commander whose 
vessel went to sea unprepared for action, but with the superior officer who 
issued the ill-timed order. As has so often been the case, public clamor 
demanded a victim and poor Barron must needs be offered up. 

Decatur was a member of both the court of inquiry and the court- 
martial. Barron believed he should not have served on the latter after 
having formed and expressed an opinion in the former. After his suspen- 
sion Barron went abroad and remained away for a number of years. 
When the war of 1812 was over he returned to his country and applied 
for restoration to active service in the navy, the term of his suspension 
having expired. This application Decatur, now in the zenith of his power, 
opposed with all his influence. The first in the long series of communica- 
tions which passed between the parties was from Barron to Decatur, dated 
Hampton, Virginia, June 12th, 1819. He writes: "Sir: I have been in- 
formed in Norfolk that you have said that you could insult me with im- 
punity, or words to that effect. If you have said so, you will no doubt 
avow it, and I shall expect to hear from you." 

Decatur replied: "Sir: I have received your communication of the 
12th instant. . . . Whatever I may have thought or said in the'very 
frequent and free conversations I have had respecting you and your con- 
duct, I feel a thorough conviction that I never could have been guilty of 


so much egotism as to say that I could insult you (or any other man) with 
impunity." From this point the correspondence continued at great length, 
and with ever-increasing asperity on both sides; yet through it all one 
cannot but let his sympathy go out to Barron. He was broken by years 
of ill-health and bowed down by the weight of a sentence which he felt to 
be unjust. He was so near-sighted that to his friends, if not to himself, 
an encounter with pistols must have seemed the sheerest madness. It was 
to this infirmity he alluded when he wrote: " All I demand is to be placed 
upon equal grounds with you; such as two honorable men may decide 
upon as being just and proper." Continuing he says: " You have hunted 
me out; have persecuted me with all the power and influence of your 
office, and have declared your determination to drive me from the navy if 
I should make any efforts to be employed ; and for what purpose or from 
what other motive than to obtain my rank I know not. If my life will 
give it to you, you shall have an opportunity of obtaining it. And now, 
sir, I have only to add, that if you will make known your determination 
and the name of your friend, I will give that of mine in order to complete 
the necessary arrangements to a final close of this affair." 

Decatur evidently did not intend to give the other the slight advantage 
of being the challenged party, for he writes in reply: "I reiterated to 
you that I have not challenged, nor do I intend to challenge you. . . . 
It is evident that you think, or your friends for you, that a fight will 
•help you, but in fighting you wish to incur the least possible risk. Now, 
sir, not believing that a fight of this nature will raise me at all in public 
estimation, but may even have a contrary effect, I do not feel at all dis- 
posed to remove the difficulties that lie in our way. If we fight it must 
be of your seeking; and you must take all the risk and all the incon- 
venience which usually attend the challenger in such cases." It is a 
singular fact in this unfortunate affair, no directly worded challenge ever 
passed between the parties. In reply to the foregoing Barron wrote : 
" Sir, your letter of the 29th ultimo, I have received. In it you say that 
you have now to inform me that you shall pay no further attention to 
any communication that I may make to you, other than a direct call to 
the field ; in answer to which I have only to reply that whenever you will 
consent to meet me on fair and equal grounds, that is, such as two hon- 
orable men may consider just and proper, you are at liberty to view this 
as a call. The whole tenor of your conduct to me justifies this course 
of proceeding on my part. As for your charges and remarks, I regard 
them not ; particularly your sympathy. You know not such a feeling. 
I cannot be suspected of making the attempt to excite it." 


To this Decatur replied : " Sir, I have received your communication 
of the 16th and am at a loss to know what your intention is. If you 
intend it as a challenge, I accept it and refer you to my friend Commo- 
dore Bainbridge, who is fully authorized by me to make any arrangements 
he pleases, as regards weapons, mode, or distance." This note was dated 
January 24, 1820, and the fact that several weeks intervened between it 
and the fatal meeting would seem to indicate that some difficulty was 
experienced by the seconds in arranging such terms as would put the 
parties upon something like a fair and equal footing. It was finally 
agreed that the weapons should be pistols and the distance eight paces. 
It was further settled, in concession to Barron's infirmity, that each party 
after being placed should mise his pistol and take deliberate aim at the 
other before the word to fire should be given. 

Few words were spoken after they took their positions. Barron- said: 
" Sir, I hope on meeting in another world, we shall be better friends than 
in this." To which Decatur responded : "I have never been your enemy, 
sir." At the word both fired, apparently at the same instant, and both 
fell. It was first thought that Decatur was killed, but after a little while 
he revived somewhat. 

William Wirt, who was then attorney-general of the United States 
and who had tried to prevent the meeting, writing a few days later of the 
melancholy affair, says : " Decatur was apparently shot dead ; he revived, 
however, after a while, and he and Barron had a parley as they lay on 
the ground. Doctor Washington, who got up just then, says that it 
reminded him of the closing scene of a tragedy — Hamlet and Laertes. 
Barron proposed that they should make friends before they met in heaven, 
(for he supposed they would both die immediately). Decatur said he 
had never been his enemy, that he freely forgave him his death — though 
he could not forgive those who had stimulated him to seek his life. One 
report says that Barron exclaimed : ' Would to God you had said this 
much yesterday!' It is certain that the parley was a friendly one, and 
that they parted in peace. Decatur knew he was to die, and his only 
sorrow was that he had not died in the service of his country." 

Decatur was placed in his carriage and taken to his home in Wash- 
ington, where he died that night at eleven o'clock. The old National 
Intelligencer of the next morning had the following : " Postscript — Eleven 
o'clock, Wednesday night, March 22d. A Hero HAS FALLEN ! Com- 
modore Stephen Decatur, one of the first officers of our navy — the pride 
of his country — the gallant and noble-hearted gentleman, is no more. He 
expired a few moments ago, of the mortal wound received in the duel 


of yesterday. Of the origin of the feud which led to this disastrous 
result we know but what rumor tells. The event we are sure will fill the 
country with grief. Mourn Columbia ! for one of thy brightest stars is 
set, a son 'without fear and without reproach ' — in the freshness of his fame 
— in the prime of his usefulness — has descended to the tomb." Of his 
funeral the same paper said : " Since the foundations of the city were laid, 
perhaps no such assemblage of citizens and strangers, on such an occasion, 
has been seen." Among those who followed his remains to the tomb 
were the President of the United States, the members of his cabinet, the 
foreign ministers resident at Washington, and many other distinguished 
officers and citizens. 

After a long and tedious illness Barron recovered from his wound but 
he was never restored to active duty, passing the remainder of his service 
on shore duty and waiting orders. He became senior officer of the navy 
in 1839, ar, d died at Norfolk in 185 1, thirty years after the fatal duel. 

Many other duels have occurred, first and last, upon the field of Bla- 
densburg, most of them, perhaps, of later date than the two described, 
but owing perhaps to the less prominent position of the parties scant 
record has been preserved. The celebrated encounter between the Hon. 
Henry Clay and the Hon. John Randolph, in 1826, did not occur here, 
but took place just across the Potomac on the Virginia shore, a few miles 
above Georgetown. This grew out of the presidential election of 1824, in 
which the candidates were Adams, Crawford, Jackson, and Clay. Jackson 
had received the highest number of electoral votes, but not having a 
majority, as required by the constitution, the election was thrown into 
the house of representatives, where, by a combination between the friends 
of Clay and Adams, the latter was chosen. The supporters of Jackson 
were highly indignant, and when Clay became the secretary of state 
under the new administration, they raised the cry of a " corrupt bargain 
and sale," though there never was the smallest particle of evidence in 
support of such charge. Randolph, a senator in congress from Virginia, 
in delivering a speech one day in that body, referred to the affair as " a 
coalition between Blifil and Black George, the Puritan and the blackleg." 
The Kentucky statesman immediately challenged the eccentric Virginian, 
the cartel was promptly accepted, and they met. Clay shot a hole 
through his antagonist's coat, Randolph fired into the air, and the parties 
immediately became reconciled and remained warm friends ever afterward. 

The murderous meeting in 1838 between the Hon. Jonathan Cilley, 
a member of the house of representatives from Maine, and the Hon. Wil- 
liam J. Graves, a member of the same body from Kentucky, did not occur 


upon this immediate field, but at a spot two or three miles away, near the 
Marlborough road, across, the eastern branch. This is considered the third 
most noted duel that ever occurred in the United States, and there was 
certainly less excuse for it and for the vindictive animus displayed by one 
of the parties than for any whose particulars have been recorded. 

James Watson Webb, the editor of the New York Courier and Enquirer, 
addressed a note to Mr. Cilley, demanding an explanation of certain lan- 
guage used by the latter in debate in the house, which language was 
supposed to refer to and reflect upon said editor. Of this note Mr. Graves 
was the bearer, with a full knowledge of its hostile tenor. Mr. Cilley de- 
clined to receive the communication, not from any intended discourtesy to 
the bearer, but solely on the y-ound that he declined to be drawn into any 
controversy by an outsider for words spoken in debate in the discharge of 
his duty. Thereupon the member from Kentucky espoused the quarrel of 
his principal, and challenged Mr. Cilley himself. They fought with rifles 
at the distance of eighty yards. At the first fire both missed. An effort 
was then made to adjust tjie difficulty, but without success. A second 
time the parties exchanged shots, and again both missed. The seconds 
of Cilley insisted that their principal should not further imperil his life, 
upon a mere punctilio. Graves insisted upon another shot. At the third 
fire Mr. Cilley was struck down, and almost immediately expired. The 
seconds in this affair were the Hon. George W. Jones, member of congress 
of Tennessee, oil the part of Mr. Cilley, and the Hon. Henry A. Wise, 
member of congress of Virginia, on the part of Mr. Graves. There were 
also present Congressmen Crittenden and Menefee of Kentucky, Duncan 
of Ohio, and Bynum of North Carolina. A committee of the house of 
representatives was appointed to investigate, the circumstances, and the 
following extract from their voluminous report is given to show something 
of the spirit animating those who were really to blame for the duel. 

" Early in the day on which he fell, an agreement was entered into be- 
tween James Watson Webb, Daniel Jackson, and William H. Morrell, to 
arm themselves, repair to the room of Mr. Cilley, and force him to fight 
Webb with pistols on the spot, or to pledge his word of honor to give 
Webb a meeting before Mr. Graves ; and if Mr. Cilley would do neither, 
to shatter his right arm. They accordingly took measures to ascertain 
whether Mr. Cilley was at his lodgings, and finding that he was not, they 
proceeded, well armed, to Bladensburg, where it was said the duel between 
Mr. Graves and Mr. Cilley was to take place. Before arriving there, it 
was agreed between Webb, Jackson, and Morrell, that Webb should ap- 
proach Mr. Cilley, claim the quarrel, insist on fighting him, and assure 

Vol. XXV.-No. 1.— 3 


him if he aimed his rifle at Mr. Graves, he (Webb) would shoot him (Mr. 
Cilley) on the spot. It was supposed by them that Mr. Graves, or Mr. 
Wise, or some of the party, would raise a weapon at Webb, whereupon it 
was agreed that Webb should instantly shoot Mr. Cilley, and that they 
should then defend themselves in the best way they could." 

The historic " field of honor " continued to be the resort of belligerent 
parties down, perhaps, to the time of the late war, though happily it was 
never again the scene of such shocking combats as those which marked 
the deaths of Mason and Decatur. 

And with reasonable confidence we may assert that it will never witness 
such scenes again. It is no longer a cause of disgrace to refuse to accept 
a challenge, but, on the contrary, public sentiment now sides with the 
man, whether in public or private life, who has the moral courage to defy 
this barbarous relic of the dark ages. 




The subject of this sketch was a descendant in the fifth generation of 
John Hall, who, coming from Coventry, England, crossed the Atlantic in 
the ship Griffin, and, after a sojourn in Boston and New Haven, established 
his home at Wallingford, Connecticut. In this village Lyman Hall, son 
of the Hon. John Hall and Mary Street, was born on the 12th of April, 

1724- ^-b$r%: 

Graduating from Yale College in 1747, in a class of twenty-eight 
members, several of whom attained distinction in after life, he entered 
upon the study of theology under the guidance of his uncle, Rev. Samuel 
Hall. His purpose undergoing a change, he abandoned the idea of becom- 
ing a minister of the Gospel, and applied himself to the acquisition of a 
medical education. After quite a thorough preliminary course he was 
admitted to the degree of Doctor of Medicine, married Mary Osborne, and 
commenced the practice of his profession in his native town. 

Early in 1697 a body of Puritans from the towns of Dorchester, Rox- 
bury, and Milton, in Massachusetts, taking with them their pastor, 
Reverend Joseph Lord, and proclaiming their desire, to encourage the 
foundation of churches and the promotion of religion in the Southern 
plantations, removed with their families and personal effects and formed a 
new residence at Dorchester, on the left bank of the Ashley river, not 
many miles above Charles-Town in South Carolina. Here these enterprising 
colonists multiplied in numbers and increased in wealth, exerting a strong 
moral and political influence. Attracted by tidings of the prosperity of 
this settlement, and anxious to advance his professional and personal 
interests, Dr. Hall — himself in full sympathy with the religious tenets of 
these Congregationalists — in the twenty-eighth year of his age abandoned 
his home at Wallingford and cast his lot among the Puritan dwellers at 
Dorchester and Beach Hill in South Carolina. Fie was cordially welcomed, 
and appears at once to have secured the confidence of the community. 

After a residence of rather more than fifty years in this swamp region 
of Carolina, finding their lands impoverished, and insufficient for the rising 
generation — Dorchester and* Beach Hill proving unhealthy — the good 
reports of the lands in southern Georgia having been confirmed upon the 


personal inspection of certain members of the society who had been sent 
for that purpose, and a grant* of 22,400 acres of rich land having been 
secured from the Georgia authorities — the members of the Dorchester 
Society, in 1752, began moving into what is now the swamp region of 
Liberty county. This territory lay between Mount Hope swamp on the 
north and Bull-Town swamp on the south. Begun in 1752, the immigra- 
tion continued until 1771, and embraced about three hundred and fifty 
whites and fifteen hundred negro slaves. The influx of this population 
was most marked during the years 1754, 1755, and 1756. It was about this 
time that Dr. Hall, following the fortunes of his newly formed friends, 
accompanied them to the Midway settlement, and became the owner of a 
small plantation a few miles north of Midway meeting house and on the 
line of the Savannah and Darien highway — a road connecting the northern 
and southern confines of the province, which had been completed under 
the guidance of Tomo-chi-chi and by the command of General Oglethorpe. 
The region into which the Dorchester congregation thus immigrated was 
known as the " Midway district." The country was densely wooded, 
marish, and filled with game. Ducks and geese in innumerable quantities 
frequented the low grounds, creeks, and lagoons. Wild turkeys and deer 
abounded. Bears and beavers dwelt in the swamps, and buffalo herds 
wandered in. the neighborhood. There was no lack of squirrels, raccoons, 
opossums, rabbits, snipe, woodcock, cranes, herons, and rice-birds. Wild- 
cats and hawks were the pest of the region, while the cry of the cougar 
was often heard in the depths of the vine-clad woods. The waters were 
alive with fishes, alligators, terrapins, and snakes. 

In utter disregard of the manifest laws of health these immigrants 
located their dwellings and plantation-quarters on the edges of the swamps, 
and in such malarial situations passed the entire year. While corn, pota- 
toes, and peas were planted on the upland, chief attention was bestowed 
upon the cultivation of rice. To that end the swamps, at great labor, were 
cleared, ditched, and drained. A miasmatic soil was thus exposed to the 
action of the sun and, as a direct consequence of injudicious location and 
a too frequent inattention to domestic comfort, occurred violent sickness 
and considerable mortality. 

Dr. Hall found ample employment for his best professional skill, and 
endeared himself to the community by his unremitting exertions to 
counteract the pernicious influences of bilious fevers during the summer 
and fall, and pleurisies in the winter and spring. 

In 1758 Mark Carr conveyed three hundred acres of land bordering 

* This grant was subsequently enlarged by the addition of 9,950 acres. 


upon Midway river to certain trustees, with instructions to lay out a town 
to be called Sunbury. So soon as the lots were surveyed and desig- 
nated many members of the Midway congregation, attracted by the 
beauty and salubrity of the location, became purchasers, and there estab- 
lished their summer homes. Among them was Dr. Lyman Hall, who 
bought two of the most desirable lots, numbers 33 and 34, fronting on the 
bay. Here he built a residence and spent most of his time when not 
actively employed in visiting his patients. His reputation as a successful 
practitioner and sympathizing friend was most enviable. In fact he 
speedily became the leading physician of the town and adjacent country. 
His polite address, literary attainments, public spirit, social habits, 
thoughtful views, and well-rounded character united in rendering him 
popular and influential with the inhabitants of St. John's parish. That 
he entertained a lively interest in public affairs and enjoyed the confidence 
of his fellow-citizens is evident from the prominence accorded to him 
when the differences between England and her American colonies were 
seriously discussed and the question of a separation from the mother 
country was gravely considered. His sympathies from the first were with 
the " Liberty Boys," and his arguments and labors were boldly expended 
in compassing liberation from kingly rule. Georgia occupied a position 
peculiar among her sister colonies. Since her settlement she had received 
by grant of parliament nearly ^"200,000, besides generous bounties 
extended in aid of silk culture and various agricultural products. The 
paternal care of the crown had been kindly and signally manifested in 
her behalf. As a natural consequence there existed a marked division of 
sentiment upon the political questions which agitated the community 
during the years immediately preceding open rupture between England 
and America. The royal party was active and strong, and it required no 
little effort on the part of the rebels to acquire the mastery and place the 
province fairly within the lists of the revolutionists. The line of demar- 
kation was sometimes so sharply drawn that father was arrayed against 
son, and brother against brother. Thus, not to multiply examples, the 
Hon. James Habersham and Colonel Noble Jones maintained their alle- 
giance to the crown, while their sons were among the foremost champions 
of the rights claimed by the rebels. The cruel effects of such disagree- 
ments, experienced prior to and during the' progress of the revolution, 
were projected even beyond the final establishment of the republic. 
Governor Wright was most energetic in upholding the fortunes of his 
royal master, and succeeded in delaying action on the part of the colony. 
Through his influence Georgia was not represented in the first session of 


the continental congress. The parish of St. John — which then possessed 
nearly one-third of the aggregate wealth of Georgia, and the citizens of 
which were noted for their thrift, courage, honesty, and determination — 
chafed under the inaction of the province, which bred dissatisfaction at 
home and called down denunciation most violent from the republican 
party in South Carolina. The Puritan element in the parish, cherishing 
and proclaiming intolerance of established church and of the divine right 
of kings, impatient of restraint, accustomed to independent thought and 
action, and careless of associations which encouraged tender memories of 
and love for the mother country, asserted its hatreds, its affiliations, and 
its hopes with no uncertain utterance and appears to have controlled the 
action of the entire parish. In commenting upon the disturbed condition 
of affairs, Governor Wright advised the Earl of Dartmouth that the head 
of the rebellion in Georgia should be located in St. John's parish, and that 
the revolutionary measures there inaugurated were to be mainly referred 
to the influence of the "descendants of New England people of the 
Puritan independent sect," who, "retaining a strong tincture of republican 
or Oliverian principles, have entered into an agreement among themselves 
to adopt both the resolutions and associations of the continental con- 

On the revolutionary altars erected within the Midway district were 
the fires of resistance to the dominion of England earliest kindled ; and of 
all the patriots of that uncompromising community Lyman Hall, by his 
counsel, exhortations, and determined spirit, added stoutest fuel to the 
flames. Between the immigrants from Dorchester and the distressed 
Bostonians existed not only the ties of a common lineage, but also sympa- 
thies born of kindred religious, moral, social, and political education. It 
is therefore not difficult to perceive why the Midway settlement declared 
at such an early period and in such an emphatic manner for the revolu- 

Dissatisfied with the failure of the Savannah congress to place the 
province in direct association with the other twelve American colonies, 
the inhabitants of St. John's parish, under the leadership of Lyman Hall, 
resolved "to exert themselves to the utmost, and to make every sacrifice 
that men impressed with the strongest sense of their rights and liberties, 
and warm with the most benevolent feelings for their oppressed brethren, 
can make to stand firmly or fall gloriously in the common cause." They 
called a convention of their own, extending invitations to the inhabitants 
of other parishes, in the hope "that if a majority of the parishes would 
unite with them they would send deputies to join the general congress, 


and faithfully and religiously abide by and conform to such determination 
as should there be entered into, and come from thence recommended." 

This effort failing of success, on the 9th of February, 1775, at a meeting 
of the inhabitants of St. John's parish — convened at Midway and presided 
over by Lyman Hall — Joseph Wood, Daniel Roberts, and Samuel Stevens, 
members of the parish committee, were deputed with a carefully prepared 
letter to repair to Charlestown, South Carolina, and request of the com- 
mittee of correspondence their " permission to form an alliance with 
them, and to conduct trade and commerce according to the act of non- 
importation to which they had already acceded." Among other arguments 
advanced in that communication, framed and signed by Dr, Hall as 
chairman, we find the following: 

" Our being a parish of a non-associated province cannot, we presume, 
prevent our joining the other provinces, as the restrictions mentioned in 
the 14th clause of the general association must, as we apprehend, be 
considered as a general rule only, and respects this province considered in 
a mixed or promiscuous sense ; but as we of this parish are a body detached 
from the rest by our resolutions and association, and sufficiently distinct 
by local situation, large enough for particular notice, and have been 
treated as such by a particular address from the late continental congress, 
adjoining a sea-port, and in that respect capable of conforming to the 
general association, and (if connected with you) with the same fidelity 
as a distinct parish of your own province ; therefore we must be considered 
as comprehended within the spirit and equitable meaning of the conti- 
nental association, and we are assured you will not condemn the innocent 
with the guilty, especially when a due separation is made between them." 

Reaching Charlestown on the 23d of February, Messrs. Wood, Roberts, 
and Stevens waited upon the general committee and earnestly endeavored 
to accomplish their mission. While expressing their admiration of the 
patriotism of the parish, and entreating its citizens to persevere in their 
laudable exertions, the Carolinians deemed it " a violation of the conti- 
nental association to remove the prohibition in favor of any part of a 

Disappointed, and yet not despairing, the inhabitants of St. John's 
parish " resolved to prosecute their claims to an equality with the con- 
federated colonies." Having adopted certain resolutions by which they 
obligated themselves to hold no commerce with Savannah or other places 
except under the supervision of a committee, and then only with a view 
to procuring the necessaries of life, and having avowed their entire 
sympathy with all the articles and declarations promulgated by the general 


congress, the inhabitants of St. John's parish elected Dr. Lyman Hall as 
a delegate to represent them in the continental congress. This appoint- 
ment occurred on the 21st of March, 1775, and was conferred in direct 
recognition of his prominent and persistent services in behalf of the revo- 
lutionists. No more suitable selection could have been made. Among 
the prominent citizens of the parish no one enjoyed a more enviable 
reputation for courage, ability, wisdom, and loyalty to the aims of the 
republican party. When departing for the continental congress he car- 
ried with him, as a present from his constituents to the suffering patriots 
in Massachusetts, one hundred and sixty barrels of rice and fifty pounds 

The patriotic spirit of its inhabitants, and this independent action of St. 
John's parish in advance of the other Georgia parishes, were afterwards 
acknowledged when all the parishes were in accord in the revolutionary 
movement. As a tribute of praise, and in token of general admiration, 
the name of Liberty county was conferred upon the consolidated parishes 
of St. John, St. Andrew, and St. James. On the 13th of May, 1775, Dr. 
Hall, who had been so instrumental in persuading the parish of St. John 
to this independent course, attended at the door of congress, presented his 
credentials, and was unanimously " admitted as a delegate from the parish 
of St. John in the colony of Georgia, subject to such regulations as congress 
should determine relative to his voting." Until Georgia was fully repre- 
sented he declined to vote upon questions which were to be decided by a 
vote of colonies. He participated, however, in the debates, recorded his 
opinion in cases where an expression of sentiment by colonies was not 
required, and declared his earnest conviction " that the example which had 
been shown by the parish which he represented would be speedily followed, 
and that the representation of Georgia would soon be complete." 

This came to pass within a very few months, and Georgia assumed her 
station and responsibilities in the sisterhood of confederated colonies. 

By successive appointments Dr. Hall was continued as a member from 
Georgia of the continental congress. Upon the fall of Savannah in 
December, 1778, and the capture of Sunbury, the entire coast region of 
Georgia passed into the possession of the king's forces, which overran, 
plundered, and exacted the most onerous tribute. To the families of those 
who maintained their allegiance to the rebel cause no mercy was shown. 
Stripped of property, their homes rendered desolate, often without food and 
clothing, they w.ere dependent upon the charity of impoverished neighbors. 

Dr. Hall's residence in Sunbury and his rice plantation near Midway 
meeting house were despoiled. Under such melancholy circumstances 


he removed his family to the North and there resided until the evacuation 
of Savannah in 1782. While his services as a member of the continental 
congress were perhaps not as conspicuous as those rendered by some of 
his brethren, it may nevertheless be fairly claimed that he was regular, 
earnest, and intelligent in the discharge of the important duties devolving 
upon him. He was present and, in association with Button Gwinnett and 
George Walton, affixed his signature to the Declaration of Independence. 

Between Dr. Hall and the gifted, ambitious Gwinnett existed a warm 
friendship. The former resided at Sunbury, and the latter upon St. 
Catherine Island, within distant sight of that pleasant village. They con- 
stantly exchanged social courtesies, and were of one mind upon the 
political questions which then agitated and divided the public thought. 
As president of the council of safety and commander-in-chief of Georgia, 
Gwinnett, in 1777, anxious to signalize his administration by a feat of arms, 
planned an expedition for the subjugation of East Florida. Instead of 
intrusting the command of the forces employed to General Lachlan Mc- 
intosh, who, as the ranking military officer of Georgia was entitled in all 
fairness and in accordance with custom to expect and to claim it, Gwinnett 
set him aside and determined in person to lead the expedition. Mcintosh 
was not even permitted to accompany his brigade, and Colonel Elbert was 
assigned to the command of the continental forces to the exclusion of his 
superior officer. General Mcintosh was naturally incensed at this conduct 
of Gwinnett, and denounced him in unmeasured terms. 

Soon after, when in the exercise of his gubernatorial powers and 
responding to the emergency caused by the lamented death of Archibald 
Bulloch, Gwinnett convened the legislature to elect his successor, Mcintosh 
espoused the choice of John Adam Treutlen, who was the rival candidate 
for popular favor. Gwinnett had set his heart upon the office, and was 
grievously disappointed at the selection of his opponent. So violent was 
the animosity harbored by Mcintosh, that, during the short but heated 
canvass, he publicly denounced Gwinnett in unmeasured terms. The 
quarrel between these gentlemen culminated on the 15th of May, 1777, 
when Gwinnett challenged Mcintosh to mortal combat. They met the 
next morning at sunrise within the present limits of the city of Savannah. 
What then transpired we relate in the language of Dr. Hall, who, in a 
postscript to a letter addressed to the Hon. Roger Sherman, under date of 
Savannah, June I, 1777, writes as follows: 

" I resume my Pen to confirm what you have no Doubt heard, that 
our worthy Friend Gwinnett has unfortunately fell. The Contention 


between him & the Gen 1 run high, principally respectg the Expedition 
against E. Florida, which bro 1 on an Enquiry in the House of Assembly 
into the Conduct of M r Gwinnett who, as President & Commander in 
Chief, had made the preparations & meant with the Militia, and aid of 
Continent 1 Troops, to have carried them into Execution as principal 
Leader & Commander: he proceeded as far as Sunbury, — from this about 
40 mile, — with a small Fleet, from thence sent for the Militia and Con- 
tinent 1 Troops to join him — few of the Militia turned out, except those of 
the Parish of St. John, & when the Gen 1 with the Continent 1 Troops ar- 
rived, M r Gwinnett summoned a Council of War, but the Gen 1 it seems 
would not hold a Council of War with him : he repeated his Summonses, 
but to no purpose, on which Mr. Gwinnett's Council & the Field Officers 
of the Gen 1 advised both to return to this place and leave the command of 
the Expedition to the next Officer. This matter was laid before the 
Assembly, where both appeared and were heard, on which the Assembly 
Resolved 'that they approved the Conduct of M r Gwinnett & his Council 
so far as those matters had been laid before them.' Here it was (in 
Assembly) that the Gen 1 called him (as 'tis said) a Scoundrell & lying 
Rascal — I confess I did not hear the words, not being so nigh the parties ; 
however it seems agreed that it was so. A Duel was the consequence, in 
wh h they were placed at 10 or 12 foot Distance. Discharged their Pistols 
nearly at the same Time. Each wounded in the Thigh. M r Gwinnett's 
thigh broke so that he fell — -on wh h ('tis said) the Gen 1 Asked him if he 
chose to take another shot — was answered Yes, if they would help him up 
(or words nearly the same). The seconds interposed. M r Gwinnett was 
brought in, the Weather Extremely hot. A Mortification came on — he 
languish'd from that Morning (Friday) till Monday Morning following, 
& expired. 

O Liberty ! Why do you suffer so many of your faithful sons, your 

warmest Votaries, to fall at your Shrine ! Alas ! my Friend, my Friend ! 
* * * * 

Excuse me, D r Sir, the Man was Valuable, so attached to the Liberty 
of this State & Continent that his whole Attention, Influence, & Interest 
centered in it, & seemed riveted to it. He left a Mournful Widow and 
DauglV & I may say the Friends of Liberty on a whole Continent to 
deplore his Fall." * * * 

Gwinnett's death caused intense excitement. Dr. Hall — one of his 
executors and a warm personal friend — and other gentlemen of influence 
brought the matter to the notice of the legislature, and charged the judicial 


officers with a neglect of duty in not arresting Mcintosh and binding him 
over to answer to the charge of murder. Informed of these facts, so soon 
as his wound permitted, the general surrendered himself to Judge Glen, 
entered into bonds for his appearance, was indicted, tried, and acquitted. 
Even this determination of the matter, did not allay the resentment of the 
Gwinnett party, who, incensed at the loss of their leader, used every 
exertion to impair the influence of Mcintosh and to fetter his efforts in 
the public service. At the suggestion of his friends he repaired to the 
headquarters of General Washington for assignment to duty in other 
quarters. For nearly two years he remained absent from his native state. 

Upon his return to Georgia Dr. Hall selected Savannah as his 
home, and, with shattered fortunes, resumed the practice of his profession. 
While thus quietly employed he was, in January, 1783, elected governor 
of Georgia. 

His acknowledgment of the honor thus conferred was expressed in the 
following brief inaugural address : 

" Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly : 

I esteem your unsolicited appointment of me to the office of chief 
magistrate of this state as the greatest honor, and I am affected with 
sentiments of the warmest gratitude on this occasion. The early and 
decided part which I took in the cause of America originated from a 
full conviction of the justice and rectitude of the cause we engaged in, 
has uniformly continued as the principle of my heart, and I trust will 
to the last moments of my life. 

If I can, by a strict attention to the various objects of government, 
and a steady and impartial exertion of the powers with which you have 
invested me, carry into execution the wise and salutary laws of the state, 
it will afford a pleasing prospect of our future welfare, brighten the dawn 
of independence, and establish the genuine principles of whigism on a 
firm and permanent foundation. 

The confident reliance, gentlemen, I have in the wisdom of the 
council you have assigned me, and the firm support of your honorable 
house, afford a flattering expectation of succeeding in this difficult and 
important trust." 

Georgia had but recently emerged from the perils and privations of 
the Revolution ; and, while all were rejoicing in the inchoate blessings of 
independence, poverty, sorrow, and desolation were the heritage of many 
homes. The energies of his administration, which lasted for only one 
year, were chiefly directed to the establishment of land offices and the 


sale of confiscated property ; to the arrangement of the public debt and 
the rewarding of officers and soldiers with bounty warrants for services 
rendered ; with the accommodation of differences and the prevention of 
further disturbance with Florida, and the adjustment of the northern 
boundary of Georgia ; with the establishment of courts and schools ; and 
with the consummation of treaties of cession from and amity with con- 
tiguous Indian nations. The most important of these were solemnized 
at Augusta with the Cherokee Indians in May, and with the Creek Indians 
in November, 1783. Upon the assembling of the legislature at Augusta,. 
on the 8th of July, 1783, Governor Hall, in his message, thus commended 
to its members the subject of public education : 

" In addition, therefore, to wholesome laws restraining vice, every 
encouragement ought to be given to introduce religion, and learned 
clergy to perform divine worship in honor of God, and to cultivate 
principles of religion and virtue among our citizens. For this purpose 
it will be your wisdom to lay an early foundation for endowing semi- 
naries of learning; nor can you, I conceive, lay a better than by a grant 
of a sufficient tract of land, that may, as in other governments, here- 
after, by lease or otherwise, raise a revenue sufficient to support such 
valuable institutions." 

Be it spoken and remembered to his perpetual praise that Governor 
Hall, by this early and wise suggestion, sounded the key-note and paved 
the way for the foundation and the sustentation of the University of 
Georgia, which, for nearly a century, has proven the parent of higher 
education and civilization in Georgia. Upon the conclusion of his term 
of service he resumed, in Savannah, the practice of his profession, hold- 
ing no public office save that of judge of the inferior court of Chatham 
county. This position he resigned upon his removal to Burke county in 
1790. He had evidently prospered and accumulated a fortune somewhat 
unusual in that day and community, for he then purchased a fine planta- 
tion on the Savannah river not far from Shell-Bluff, and furnished it with 
a considerable number of negro slaves, and all animals, implements, and 
provisions requisite for its proper cultivation. 

Here he died on the 19th of October, 1790, in the sixty-seventh year of 
his age, leaving a widow Mary, and a son John, both of whom within a short 
time followed him to the tomb, and were buried in a substantial brick vault 
situated on a bold bluff overlooking the Savannah river. There he rested 
until his remains were removed and brought to Augusta, Georgia, and 
placed, in association with those of George Walton, beneath the monument 
erected by patriotic citizens in front of the court house in honor of the 


signers from Georgia of the Declaration of Independence. Gwinnett's 
bones could not be found; for, although it was believed that, he was 
interred in the old cemetery on South Broad street in Savannah, no stone 
having been erected over his grave, all memory of the place of his sepul- 
ture had vanished. 

The will of Dr. Hall, which was on file in the office of the court of 
ordinary of Burke county, at Waynesboro, was destroyed by an accidental 
fire which consumed the court house and most of the public records. 
Subsequent to the removal of his remains to Augusta, Mr. William 
D'Antignac, who then owned the Hall plantation, forwarded to the cor- 
porate authorities of Wallingford, Connecticut, the native town of the 
signer, the marble slab inserted in the front of the brick vault wherein 
they had so long rested. That slab is still carefully preserved. It bears 
the following inscription : 

*' Beneath this stone rest the remains of 
Hon. Lyman Hall, 

formerly governor of this state, who departed this life on the 19th of October, 1790, in 
the 67th year of his age. In the cause of America he was uniformly a patriot. In the 
incumbent duties of a husband and a father he acquitted himself with affection and 

But reader, above all know from this inscription that he left this probationary state 
as a true Christian and an honest man. 

To those so mourned in death, so loved in life, 
The childless parent and the widowed wife, 
With tears inscribes this monumental stone, 
That holds his ashes and expects her own." 

In Sanderson's Lives of the Signers we are advised that Dr. Lyman 
Hall was six feet high and finely proportioned ; that his manners were 
easy and polite ; that his deportment was affable and dignified ; that the 
force of his enthusiasm was tempered by discretion ; that he was firm in 
purpose and principles ; that the ascendancy which he gained was engen- 
dered by a mild, persuasive manner coupled.with a calm, unruffled temper; 
and that, possessing a strong discriminating mind, he had the power of 
imparting his energy to others, and was peculiarly fitted to flourish in the 
perplexing and perilous scenes of the Revolution. 

While there are several engraved portraits of the signer, we cannot 
speak authoritatively in regard to the genuineness of any of them. Care- 
ful inquiry has thus far failed to disclose the existence of any original 
portrait of Dr. Hall, unless that in the Philadelphia group, from which my 


friend Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York city, had his drawing 
made, may be so regarded. So far as we can ascertain, there is in Georgia 
no original likeness of Dr. Hall. His only son died childless, and there 
are no lineal descendants of this signer. The state of Georgia perpetuates 
his name by one of her counties, and the memory of his manly walk and 
conversation, of his Christian virtues, useful acts, and patriotic impulses is 
and will be gratefully cherished. 

Although he never bore arms, or won the distinction of an orator, he 
hazarded everything in the cause of humanity and liberty, on every occa- 
sion manifesting an exalted patriotism, conscious of the blessings to be 
secured and jealous of the rights to be defended. 

rtfbaufo. earned. J/ 

Augusta, Georgia, November, 1890. 


I had the rare and very good fortune to be a spectator, in the gallery 
of the United States senate, of one of the most thrilling scenes that ever 
transpired within those historic walls. It was on the evening of the 2d of 
March, 1861, between nine and ten o'clock. Not more than forty hours 
thereafter President Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated. The country 
was then on the eve of our terrible civil war — an impending calamity which 
few thoughtful people saw any possibility of being averted. There had 
been, in both the house and senate, protracted and exciting debates 
upon " the state of the Union," in which great bitterness had been ex- 
hibited, all of which, however, ended in no improvement of the situation. 
There were men on both sides who would gladly have laid down their 
lives could they have secured peace by such a sacrifice, but their efforts 
came to naught. The great questions at issue were only to be settled by 
the stern arbitrament of the sword. 

Among those whose devoted loyalty to the Union was most pronounced 
and emphatic was Andrew Johnson, then a United States senator from 
Tennessee. Because he thus represented a slave state, he was doubly 
obnoxious to the southern senators and representatives. Then, again, he 
was so outspoken and daring in his denunciation of what he regarded as 
treason to his country, that he smoothed down no asperities, allayed no 
animosities. He was at that time but fifty-three years of age, in the very 
prime of life, stalwart, vigorous, and utterly devoid of the sense of physical 
fear. He had come up from the humblest walk of life through his own 
unaided exertions. A destitute orphan, he became a tailor's apprentice, 
and had been charitably taught the alphabet by his fellow-workmen. 
When he was finally married, his good and accomplished wife taught him 
to write, reading to him while he wrought with shears and needle and 
goose. It is related that he only acquired the art of writing with facility 
after he was elected to a seat in congress. These well-known facts only 
made him the more objectionable to the advocates and promoters of 
southern slavery, in whose eyes honest labor was an unmitigated disgrace. 
They allowed no opportunity to pass unimproved in which they could 
show their contempt for such a " mud-sill " as Charles Sumner. 

At the time of which I write, not even Lyman Trumbull, Henry Wil- 
son, James Harlan, John P. Hale, or Joshua R. Giddings, either or all of 


them put together, were so bitterly repugnant to the south as the ex-tailor 
whom the proud state of Andrew Jackson and James K. Polk had sent up 
to the senate of the United States. They hated him with an intensity of 
feeling which it is no exaggeration to say was " red hot." 

A great debate was in progress on this evening of that memorable 2d 
of March. The galleries were filled to their utmost capacity, as they 
usually were during those exciting days just " befo' de wah." The senate, 
as in committee of the whole, ha4 under consideration a joint resolution 
proposing certain amendments to the constitution of the United States. 
I do not have the opportunity of referring to this resolution, but I can 
hardly be mistaken when I state my recollection, that it was one of those 
vain and useless contrivances for saving the Union and slavery together 
by some sort of compromise. It was a " Report of the Peace Conference." 
Such ropes of sand were constantly proposed, but they as speedily fell to 
pieces. The senator from Oregon, General Joseph Lane, "was entitled to 
the floor." Though representing a northern state, he was one of the most 
uncompromising supporters of slavery. The northern people did not like 
him. It was even widely published, and I think quite generally credited, 
that, in writing his own first name, he spelled it with a small g. He 
was derisively spoken of as " Old Joe Lane." But he was a man of much 
culture and great ability, and had made a most honorable record in the 
Mexican w r ar. He enlisted as a private, and came back a full major- 
general, a sufferer from wounds which nearly cost him his life. He had 
"done the state some service and they knew it," but he was clear over on 
the v/rong side this time. The session was rapidly wearing to its close 
when General Lane took the floor for the purpose of reading a very long 
speech. It fills nearly twenty-three printed columns in the old Congres- 
sional Globe. Though it is full of the gall of bitterness, inspired by 
personal and sectional hatred of the utmost intensity, I thought, as I sat a 
listener in the gallery above, that it was a very prosy affair. He read slowly 
from a manuscript, to which he closely adhered, carefully laying aside one 
after another the pages of old-fashioned letter-paper upon which it was 
written. His voice was low, his manner very quiet, and he scarcely made 
a gesture. He more reminded one of some decayed, superannuated 
clergyman than of a warrior who midst smoke and flame had " breathed 
threatenings and slaughter upon the field of battle." It seemed evidently 
his intention to so use up the time — until midnight of March 3, as to 
give Mr. Johnson no opportunity for reply; and as this was to be his last 
utterance upon the floor of the United States senate, he evidently in- 
tended it as his legacy to future times, for he presented in full his views 


upon the Union and the Constitution, the guarantees of slavery, the rights 
of the states, his opposition to coercion, etc. He panegyrized Jefferson 
Davis in terms of highest laudation, and poured out the bitterest denun- 
ciation upon the head of Andrew Johnson. The unfairness of the matter 
lay largely in the fact that neither Lane nor his friends from the south 
intended that Andrew Johnson should be heard in reply to this long 
and most carefully prepared harangue. 

The senator from Oregon was not interrupted from the opening to the 
close of his speech. Johnson sat near by, an attentive listener, but tak- 
ing no notes. Instantly, as Lane closed, he arose, and was recognized by 
the presiding officer (Mr. Polk of Missouri). But he had scarcely said 
" Mr. President," when he was interrupted by Bigler of Pennsylvania, who 
was a well-known "northern man with southern principles." Johnson 
was not to be heard if disrespectful interruptions could be made to pre- 
vent his reply. Four pages of the Globe were filled with a running debate 
upon various subjects before he was accorded — at the urgent request of 
Stephen A. Douglas — the> right to go on without interruption. It was 
evident from his first words that he would now make the supreme effort of 
his life, and doubtless nine out of ten of the people in the gaHeries were 
in heartiest sympathy with him. He spoke from the impulse of the in- 
stant — wholly impromptu — without a single reference to a book or scrap 
of paper. It seemed as though a giant of most herculean strength, hav- 
ing been crowded into a corner, had finally turned upon his enemies with 
power and might and was scattering them like chaff before the wind. 
The sympathetic audience wanted to applaud his every sentence, and it 
was the most difficult thing in the world to preserve order. He was so 
wrought up by intense feeling that every one of his direct, clean-cut 
sentences went forth like, the blow of a Titan. His manner was intensely 
dramatic, impassioned in the highest degree ; and the official report fails to 
indicate the reception or effect of the great effort which made the speaker 
Vice-President and President of the United States. 

It was soon evident to " the galleries" that unless order was preserved 
we should all be turned out, for the rules of the senate were very stringent 
in regard to such demonstrations, and, moreover, the presiding officer was 
not on our side. So, when a grand, magnificent, patriotic sentence created 
that indefinable "buzz " which reporters set down as "sensation," it was 
followed at once by that other — " sh ! sh ! sh ! " — imploring and command- 
ing silence. It was hard work, almost impossible, to refrain from cheer- 
ing such loyal utterances where treason had been hourly rampant. Gen- 
eral Lane continued to pace backward and forward just behind Mr. Johnson 

Vol, XXV. -No, i.- 4 


throughout the speech. Whether he did this with the vain idea of over- 
awing the orator, or from the force of habit, I know not. I rather think 
that his immediate presence only inspired the speaker to grander flights 
of eloquence. Referring to the use of personalities by the Oregonian, 
Johnson said : 

" They are not arguments ; they are the resort of men whose minds are low and 
coarse. It is very easy to talk about 'cowards;' to draw autobiographical sketches; to 
recount the remarkable, the wonderful events and circumstances and exploits that we 
have performed. I have presented facts and authorities, and upon them I have argued ; 
from them I have drawn conclusions ; and why have they not been met ? Why have they 
not been answered ? Why abandon the great issues before the country, and go into 
personal allusions and personal attacks ? Cowper has well said : 

' A truly sensible, well-bred man 
Will not insult me, and no other can.' 

But there are men who talk about cowards, courage, and all that description of thing ; 
and in this connection I want to say, not boastingly, that these two eyes of mine never 
looked upon anything in the shape of mortal man that this heart feared." 

As he uttered these last words he pointed out in front of his eyes with 
the first two fingers of his right hand, rose to his fullest height on tiptoe, 
and smote his chest with a blow which reverberated throughout the chamber. 
The air seemed to thrill as if charged with electricity, and cheers were 
only restrained with the supremest difficulty. Lane was believed to have 
intimated that he might " call out" the Tennessee " mud-sill," but he did 
not improve the occasion thus defiantly offered him. Proceeding with his 
remarks, Mr. Johnson asked: 

" Sir, have we reached a point at which we cannot talk about treason ? Our fore- 
fathers talked about it ; they spoke of it in the Constitution of the country ; they have 
defined what treason was. Is it an offense, is it a crime, is it an insult to recite the Con- 
stitution that was made by Washington and his compatriots ? What does the Constitu- 
tion say ? ' Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against 
them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.' There it is clearly 
defined that treason shall consist only in levying war against the United States, and 
adhering to and giving aid and comfort to their enemies. Who is it that has been engaged 
in conspiracies ? Who is it that has been engaged in making war upon the United 
States ? Who is it that has fired upon our flag ? Who is it that has given instructions to 
take our arsenals, to take our forts, to take our dock-yards, to take the public property ? 
In the language of the Constitution of the United States, have not those who have been 
engaged in it been guilty of treason ? We make a fair issue. Show me who has been 
engaged in these conspiracies, who has fired upon our flag, has given instructions to take 
our forts and our custom-houses, our arsenals and our dock-yards, and I will show you a 
traitor ! " 


Uttered in his grandest, most defiant manner, these eloquent words, so 
fraught with the truth of history, were followed by an outburst of applause 
which it did not seem to be in the power of mortal man to stifle or 
restrain. The presiding officer pounded with his gavel, ordering the 
sergeant-at-arms to proceed at once to " clear the galleries on the right of 
the chair." Senator Douglas moved to suspend the order, and quite a 
long debate ensued upon the subject before Mr. Johnson could proceed 
with his remarks. The audience was allowed to remain, but was repeat- 
edly admonished to refrain from all demonstrations of applause. Resum- 
ing, he further said : 

" I was going on to remark, in reference to a general allusion to treason, that if 
individuals were pointed out to me who were engaged in nightly conspiracies, in secret 
conclaves, and issuing orders directing the capture of our forts and the taking of our 
custom-houses, I would show who were the traitors ; and that being done, the persons 
pointed out coming within the purview and scope of that provision of the Constitution I 
have read, were I the President of the United States I would do as Thomas Jefferson did 
in 1806 with Aaron Burr: I would have them arrested; and if convicted within the 
meaning and scope of the Constitution, by the eternal God, I would execute them ! Sir, 
treason must be punished ! " 

" The galleries" were only reasonably quiet under these burning, 
memorable words, but the people were allowed to remain. The speech 
makes only a little more than five columns, but it left scarcely anything 
of " old Joe Lane." It was a most triumphant vindication of the loyal 
position of Mr. Johnson ; a blasting expost of the unholy aims and am- 
bitions of those who were going into rebellion against the government of 
the nation. In speaking of Lane his sarcasm was blighting, withering to 
the last degree. He quoted the soliloquy of Cardinal Wolsey as most 
fitting to be uttered by the Oregon senator : 

" At twelve o'clock on Monday next, or a few minutes before, when the hand of the 
dial is moving round to mark that important point of time : 

' Nay, then, farewell ! 
I have touched the highest point of all my greatness ; 
And, from that full meridian of my glory 
I haste now to my setting : I shall fall 
Like a bright exhalation in the evening, 
And no man see me more.' " 

These words were most prophetic. Lane went out of public life on 
that " next Monday at twelve o'clock," and never again returned. Going 
back to a remote corner of Oregon, honored and useful as he had been in 
his better days, he passed his old age in poverty, and died in the most 
complete obscurity. 


As this great speech, after nearly thirty years, is now well-nigh for- 
gotten, I am tempted to quote a few more of its scathing words. After 
replying to some of Lane's arguments, Johnson said : 

" I have no disposition, Mr. President, to press this controversy farther. If the 
senator from Oregon is satisfied with the reply he has made to my speech or speeches, I 
am more than satisfied. I am willing that his speeches and mine shall go to the country, 
and as to the application and understanding of the authorities that are recited by each, I 
am willing to leave an intelligent public to determine that question. I shall make no 
issue with him on that subject. I feel — and I say it in no spirit of egotism — to-day that 
in the reply I made to his speech I vanquished every position he assumed ; I nailed many 
of his statements to the counter as spurious coin ; and I felt that I had the arguments, 
that I had the authority ; and so feeling I know when I have my victim within my grip. 
I know an argument that cannot be explained away, and a fact that cannot be upturned. 
The senator felt it ; I know he felt it from the feeling he has manifested, from the manner 
in which he has nursed his feelings^and his wrath until this occasion to pour them out. 
Yes, sir, in that contest, figuratively speaking, I impaled him and left him quivering. He 
felt it. I saw it ; and I have no disposition now, in concluding what little I am going to 
say, to mutilate the dead, or add one single pang to the tortures of the already politically 
damned ! I am a humane man ; I will not add one pang to the intolerable sufferings of 
the distinguished senator from Oregon. [Laughter.] I sought no controversy with him ; 
I have made no issue with him : it has been forced upon me. How many have attacked 
me ! And is there a single man, north or south, who is in favor of this glorious Union, 
who has made an assault on me ? Is there one ? No, not one ! But it is all from seces- 
sion ; it is all from that usurpation where a reign of terror has been going on.' 

His closing words were peculiarly pertinent- and fitting to the great 
issue of the time — whether the Union should be preserved. He closed 
with these sentences: 

" I have already suggested that the idea may have entered some minds, 'If we cannot 
get to be President and Vice-President of the whole United States, we may divide the 
government, set up a new establishment, have new offices, and monopolize them ourselves 
when we take our states out.' Here we see a president made, a vice-president made, cabinet 
officers appointed (for the southern confederacy), and yet the great mass of the people not 
consulted, nor their consent obtained in any manner whatever. The people of the country 
ought to be aroused to this condition of things ; they ought to buckle on their armor ; 
and, as Tennessee has done (God bless her!), by the exercise of the elective franchise, by- 
going to the ballot-box under a new set of leaders, repudiate and put down those men 
who have carried these states out and usurped a government over their heads. I trust in 
God that the old flag of the Union will never be struck. I hope it may long wave, and 
that we may long hear the national air sung : 

'The star-spangled banner, long may it wave . 
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave ! ' 

Long may we hear old 'Hail, Columbia,' that good old national air, played on all our 
martial instruments ! Long may we hear, and never repudiate, the old tune of ' Yankee 


Doodle!' Long may wave that gallant old flag which- went through the Revolution, 
and which was borne by Tennessee and Kentucky at the battle of New Orleans, upon that 
soil the right to navigate the Mississippi near which is now denied. Upon that bloody 
field the stars and stripes waved in triumph; and, in the language of another, the Goddess 
of Liberty hovered around when ' the rocket's red glare' went forth, indicating that the 
battle was raging, and watched the issue ; and the conflict grew fierce, the issue was 
doubtful ; but when, at length, victory perched upon your stars and stripes, it was then 
on the plains of New Orleans that the Goddess of Liberty made her loftiest flight, and 
proclaimed victory in strains of exultation. Will Tennessee ever desert the grave of him 
who bore it in triumph, or desert the flag that he waved with success ? No ! We were 
in the Union before some of these states were spoken into existence; and we intend to 
remain in, and insist upon — as we have the confident belief we shall get — all our con- 
stitutional rights and protection in the Union, and under the Constitution of the country." 

Upon this magnificent, most thrilling, and most eloquent peroration, 
the pent-up enthusiasm of the vast audience burst forth so tumultuously 
as to defy all control. Pounding vigorously with his gavel, the presiding 
officer (Mr. Fitch of Indiana) at length, and with an apparent effort at 
calmness, said : " It will become the unpleasant but imperative duty of 
the chair to clear the galleries." Mr. Johnson quickly waved his hand, as 
if in deprecation of such an order, saying in a kindly, persuasive tone: 
iC Mr. President, I have done." 

At this the applause became wilder than ever. Just back of where I 
was sitting, Hon. J. B. Grinnell of Iowa, afterwards a distinguished 
member of congress, standing upon the top of the seats, swung his hat, and 
shouted at the top of his voice: " Three cheers for Andy Johnson of Ten- 
nessee ! " The audience sprang to their feet, and the cheers were given 
with a will, awaking the echoes of the United States senate chamber as 
was never done before nor since. Poor Mr. Fitch pounded with his gavel, 
shouting to the sergeant-at-arms, " Clear the galleries ! Arrest the rioters ! " 

At once everybody began to leave the galleries, and the remarks which 
were made in response to the order of the chair were neither respectful 
nor complimentary. I distinctly remember such expressions as: " Arrest 

and be !" "We are ready to go now." Feeling on both sides was 

intensely bitter, and there was no lack of freedom in its fullest expression. 
It w r as during this day's debate that the swaggering Wigfall of Texas said : 
"Gentlemen of the republican party, the old Union is dead. The only 
question that concerns anybody now is as to its burial. Shall we have 
a decent Christian funeral or an Irish wake ? It is for you to decide." In 
his own case the trouble was worse than a hundred Irish wakes, for he 
ended his career more miserably than did Lane of Oregon, a failure as a 
soldier, and a drunkard. 


It is very doubtful whether another debate as intensely exciting as 
this, and as important in its results, ever occurred in the senate of the 
United States. Our distinguished Iowa ex-senator, Hon. James Har- 
lan, said to me that 'he never saw anything approaching it, nor from 
his reading and experience did he believe that this peculiar effort of 
Andrew Johnson had ever been equaled in this country. Every cir- 
cumstance contributed to make it one of the greatest events of the cen- 
tury. It was at the outbreak of the rebellion, when southern states- 
men believed that the Union was already destroyed. Public excitement 
was wrought up to the highest pitch and blood might have flowed at 
any moment. With all his reputation for ability and undaunted courage, 
southern senators — under the inspiration of a hatred so deep that it can 
scarcely be understood at this time — must have believed that Andrew 
Johnson could be vanquished in debate or possibly intimidated into 
silence. If so they sadly misunderstood the man. No greater occasion 
could arise in which to put the highest qualities of a patriot to the 
severest test. He met the emergency grandly, magnificently, and came 
out triumphantly, with the laurels of a hero and conqueror. His logical 
arguments, based upon the fairest interpretation of the Constitution of 
the United States, were wholly unanswerable. His sarcasm, so unmer- 
cifully visited upon General Lane, really left that individual in a pitiable 
condition, from which he never rallied. 

As I have stated, the official report gives little indication of the intense 
feeling attending this great debate ; but that complete triumph of Andrew 
Johnson over his personal enemies and the enemies of the Union was 
the most important event in a career which led up to the Vice-Presidency, 
and to the Presidency itself upon the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. 
It has always seemed quite unaccountable that the later career of a man 
who had acquitted himself so sublimely in the greatest of national emergen- 
cies should have been so erratic as that of Mr. Johnson in the days when 
he was "swinging around the circle; " but that in no degree detracts from 
the power and might, the far-reaching influence, of his eloquence upon the 
2d of March, 1861. 

^e^^r ^^A 

Webster City, Iowa. 




Paris, 2d March, 1780. 

Dear father : You see me at the height of my ambition. An important 
expedition is to be started, numbering some twelve thousand men ; it is 
said before we get through we shall be twenty thousand strong. I have 
obtained permission to join it as aid-de-camp of the general, Monsieur de 
Rochambeau, but I am sworn to secrecy in this matter, as this coveted 
place has been already refused to many applicants. Every one seems 
anxious to join the expedition ; only those officers commanding marching 
regiments are to be sent. I owe my good fortune to Monsieur de Ver- 
gennes, who sent in my request. I am delighted beyond expression, as 
you may imagine. When I spoke to Monsieur de Rochambeau, he was 
very nice about it, and expressed himself warmly about you, dear father ; 
he wound up by saying that he certainly would like to have me with him 
to show you how much he esteemed and respected you. The generals 
who are to be with him are the Marquis of Jancourt, Count Caramon and 
the Marquis of Viomesnil ; as these two latter are notabilities, Rocham- 

* Count Jean Axel de Fersen, aid-de-camp of General de Rochambeau, and subsequently 
grand marshal of Sweden, was bom in 1750, and educated at Turin. He took part in the Amer- 
ican war as an aid-de-camp of General de Rochambeau, and remained in America until 1783, when 
he returned to France, and resided at Versailles until 1788. He then went to Sweden and served 
in the war with Russia, but the next year found him again at the court of France. At the break- 
ing out of the French revolution he was able to be of service to the royal family. It was he who 
procured the Swedish passports when preparations were being made for flight to the frontier. In 
the disguise of a coachman, he drove the coach the first part of the journey to Bondy, during that 
remarkable night of the flight to Varennes. He then left the royal party and made his escape to 
Brussels. In 1795 he returned to Stockholm, and made it thenceforth his permanent residence, 
living in great state as a senator, supreme marshal, and chancellor of the university of Upsala. A 
rumor having spread abroad that his sister, the beautiful Countess Piper, had poisoned her hus- 
band, the common people became possessed with the idea that the Count de Fersen had in like 
manner caused the death of the crown prince elect, Prince Charles Frederick of Schleswig-Hol- 
stein. His pride and the consciousness of his own innocence caused him to disregard the warnings 
of his friends that he should not take part in the funeral ceremonies of the crown prince ; he 
appeared in his state carriage in the procession which followed the body of the prince through the 
streets of Stockholm, May 20, 1810, and was torn from his carriage and brutally beaten to death 
by an infuriated mob with sticks and umbrellas. — Sketch by Mr. Geo. McLaughlin, Cincinnati. 



beau's position is assured. This is the wisest selection he could have 
made. He has under his command three German regiments; viz., Anhalt, 
Royal Deux-Ponts and Royal Corse. I have not yet been able to ascer- 
tain the number of our French regiments, but the colonels have been 
ordered to report with their men at Brest on the 15th instant. We are to 
be there ourselves by the 25th, as we set sail on the 1st of April. The 
convoy will be escorted by twelve vessels and a number of frigates. Our 
fleet will be commanded by Monsieur Ouchaffand, whilst the signal fleet 
is to be under the orders of Count d'Estaing this year, who will be 
stationed in the Dover Straits. I know our marine will die of sheer spite, 
yet I think this has been wisely ordered for the good of all. 

Brest, 4th of April, 1780. 

Our embarkation progresses ; the artillery, the ammunition, the pro- 
visions are already shipped, and now they are busy getting the troops off. 
The first regiment is expected to-day, and all will be aboard the-8th, as 
Monsieur de Rochambeau wants to leave port the 10th, to sail definitely 
the 1 2th or the 13th. Although I am much pleased, yet my cup of happi- 
ness will not be full till I am off the Cape Finistere. I have already 
told you, dear father, that our division (it cannot be called an army) num- 
bered some seven thousand six hundred and eighty-three men ; these are 
reduced now to only five thousand, owing to the culpable neglect and the 
utter want of management with which everything is done in this coun- 
try. You can see, yourself, how it all happened. When the question of 
this expedition was first mooted, four thousand men were deemed suf- 
ficient. Monsieur de Rochambeau absolutely refused to take charge of so 
small a number, and said he could not command less than seven thousand. 
About that time he was blamed by every one for his excessive modesty; 
his only answer was that he was quite sure he had even then more than 
he could find room for. The result justifies his remark, for instead of 
finding vessels of thirty thousand tonnage which had been promised by 
Monsieur de Sartines, there were only those of twelve thousand to be 
found amongst all the transport ships which were assembled at Brest. As 
we generally count two men per ton, this number would only make the 
third wanted. However, by strenuous efforts we found means to leave 
two thousand five hundred and ninety- five men behind and sail with five 
thousand and eighty-eight. We are all in a state of despair as we cannot 
help being surprised and indignant that the larger vessels harboring at 
St. Malo and Havre were not dispatched to Brest during the winter- 
season instead of waiting till spring, when they ran the risk of falling 


in with Jersey pirates who cut off all communication between these three 
ports. This is just what has happened. We had counted on ten or 
twelve large vessels from Havre and St. Malo, but these were forced to 
return to shelter as the risk of being captured was entirely too great. 
Boneau had been written to, to provide others. They are expected every 
day, but should they not arrive here by the 12th we sail anyhow, and the 
remainder of our little army will join us when it can. I am in hopes that 
a welcome increase of four thousand men to their small number will be 
made, it becomes a. necessity. We have four superior officers: the Chev- 
alier of Chastellux, the Chevalier and Baron Viomesnil (two brothers), and 
Monsieur Wicktenstein, formerly colonel of an Anhalt regiment. These 
four officers are field-marshals. We have taken a great deal of artillery, 
especially siege pieces. We are victualled for four months at sea, and for 
four on land. We are escorted by seven line vessels : the Duke of Bur- 
gundy of eighty guns, the Neptune of seventy-four, the Conqueror of 
seventy-four, the Jason of sixty-four, the Eveille of sixty-four, the Pro- 
vence of sixty-four, and the Ardent of sixty-four (this latter was captured 
last year by the British), besides two frigates. Our convoy numbers 
twenty-four ships. I do not as yet know to which vessel I shall be 
assigned. The general is to sail on the Duke of Burgundy, with only one 
of his old aids-de-camp, as there is no room for the others ; I am almost 
certain, however, of going on a man-of-war. 

At sea, on board the Jason, 
Monday, 16 May, 1780, off Cape Finistere. 

I have only time to write you a few lines to let you know I am well, 
and that I have not suffered at all with sea-sickness. We met with pretty 
rough weather, which carried away one of our masts, t As the wind is now 
in our favor we may reach America in forty days. We have just sighted a 
large craft, but we do not know whether she be friend or foe. I have no 
time to write you more. 

Newport, Rhode Island, 5th August, 1780. 

The letter I wrote you on the 16th of July and which returned here on 
the 23d because of the English fleet putting in an appearance, is now at 
the bottom of the sea, as the vessel which finally carried it struck on a 
rock as she was leaving port on the 30th of July. In that lost letter I 
not only gave you an account of- a naval engagement in which we took 
part, but I sent you a little chart, as well as a log-book of our sail. I will 
not have time to rewrite the naval engagement or to make a fresh draught 


of the plans, but here is my diary. We left Brest on the 4th of May. 
Met with a gale in the Bay of Biscay on the nth. We doubled the Cape 
of Finistere on the 16th or 17th. We then southed 27 latitude, then 
headed westward. On the 20th of June off the Bermudas we met with 
five English vessels and a frigate which fought us for a couple of hours 
without doing much damage. At night-fall they sailed away and we were 
prevented from following them by our convoy. We were to have landed 
on Chesapeake Bay, but on the 4th, as we were but fifteen leagues from 
shore, we fell in with eleven vessels which we rightly judged were men-of 
war, so we thought it more prudent to direct our course to this place, 
Rhode Island, where we arrived safely on the evening of the nth, enter- 
ing port at 6 P.M. Our fears of meeting the British whilst we were cross- 
ing the bay to reach here were not groundless, as Admiral Graves, who 
had left England in our wake with the. determination to join us and fight 
us if he could, arrived in New York on the 13th, where he mustered a 
fresh crew and appeared at the entrance of our harbor on the 17th. Were 
he to have reached Rhode Island before us, he certainly would have occu- 
pied it, and we could not possibly have gotten in without a smart struggle, 
which would no doubt have cost us our convoy in spite of any advantage 
we might have gained. As to our future plans I cannot tell you, dear 
father, as I know absolutely nothing about them. We are anxious to join 
General Washington, who is stationed about twenty-five miles from New 
York, as we think that is the only way we can be doing something. I do 
not know whether this junction of forces will ever take place. In the 
meanwhile we are blockaded here by twenty sail, ten of which are line 
vessels; daily do they come dangerously near the coast, but we are told 
that all this will amount to nothing, and I believe so. We are expecting 
General Clinton, who has left New York with ten thousand men. We are 
all ready to receive him ; all precautions have been taken. I hope he will 
come, although I can scarcely believe he will commit such a blunder. 

Newport, %th September, 1780. 

Nothing has taken place since my last. We are still on our island and 
are peaceably settled and in the best order possible, occupying a healthy 
camp with a good position and strongly entrenched. The works of de- 
fense are not quite completed ; they are being actively pushed forward. 
The most rigid discipline is enforced; nothing is taken from the inhabi- 
tants but what is paid for cash down. There has not been a complaint 
against the troops. This discipline of ours is admirable ; it surprises the 
Americans who are accustomed to being pillaged not only by the British 


but by their own army as well. The greatest confidence and harmony 
reign between our two nations. If this alone suffices to insure us a happy 
result of the expedition we will be successful. 

These last four or five days our blockade has been raised, and we do 
not know where the British fleet has gone; we are momentarily expect- 
ing news from Jamaica, which, if conquered, will not leave us much to do 
here. General Clinton, who is in command of New York, remains on 
Long Island with his twenty thousand men. He has richly stored the island 
v/ith provisions and fuel ; he seems determined to winter there. I greatly 
fear we shall have to pass ours here. I would not mind this so much were 
we assured of a spring campaign. Our army is in the best possible condi- 
tion ; officers and men alike seem to be willing to work for the common 
cause. Of course little bickerings will occasionally take place, this, is un- 
avoidable ; but perfect law and order prevail, especially amongst the 
French, which only proves what a good commander can do. We have 
not yet begun maneuvering, but will do so shortly. You, who know the 
French so well, dear father, especially those who are attached to the 
court, you can imagine the state of desperation these young courtiers are 
in when they realize the fact that they have to pass a quiet winter here in 
Newport, far from their lady-loves and deprived of the gayeties of Paris, 
their little suppers, the theatres, and the balls. They are literally frantic ; 
their only consolation now would be to receive marching orders to fight 
the enemy. During the month of August the heat has been extreme here. 
I never experienced the like even in Italy. Now that the atmosphere is 
cooler it seems like a splendid climate and a charming country. We were 
on the mainland about eight days ago with the general. I was the 
only aid-de-camp who accompanied hjm. We stayed a couple of days and 
we saw the most beautiful country in the world, well cultivated, charming 
sites. The people seem in easy circumstances and free from any love of dis- 
play or ceremony ; they are satisfied with a simple style of living, which 
with us is confined to persons of inferior rank. Their dress is quiet, but 
of the finest texture, and their manners have not been spoiled by the 
luxuriousness of Europe. This country is bound to be a prosperous one, 
should peace be theirs, and if the two parties which divide it now do 
not reduce it to the state of Poland and so many other republics. These 
two parties are called the whigs and the tories. The first named is entirely 
for liberty and independence ; it is Composed of people of the lowest extrac- 
tion, who possess nothing in the way of worldly goods. The tories are 
nearly all country people ; they sympathize with England, that is to say, 
they are for peace at any price, and do not seem to care for either freedom 



or liberty. They are of a better class of people in this country, and the 
only ones, in fact, who seem to have any landed property. Some of these 
tories have relations or possessions in the mother country, England ; others, 
wishing to keep what they have already acquired in this country, have em- 
braced the British side, as this is the stronger. When the whigs have the 
mastery^they plunder the others as hard as they can. This, of course, 
keeps up a bitter animosity and hatred between the two sides, which will 
be with difficulty overcome, and which will be the very hotbed of future 

Newport, 14 September, 1780. 

I have neither good nor very interesting news to send you. There is, 
however, one very vexatious bit of information for us, it is the defeat 
of General Gates by Lord Cornwallis, in South Carolina, on the 16th of 
August. The American general had imprudently advanced and was 
repulsed, the half of his troops slain, the other half taken ; he alone 
escaped with an aid-de-camp. We have had no detailed account of this 
affair. Count Rochambeau received the news by a messenger who 
arrived here the day before yesterday ; he has not made the matter 
public, he does not even mention it, yet all the town knows of it. An 
American with whom I spoke this morning told me he had seen a letter 
written to a member of the council, wherein it was mentioned that the mili- 
tia under the orders of General Gates had all passed over to the ene- 
my's camp at the very outset of the action. If this be true, what sort of 
dependence can be placed in such troops ? A brave man is to be pitied 
who has the command of such. This, dear father, is the situation we 
are in; it is not a cheerful one; it is to be hoped it will change at the 
arrival of the second division, which we all await with the greatest impa- 
tience. Newport's military situation begins to be a very depressing one. 

Newport, 16th October, 1780. 

This is the first opportunity I have had for a long time to write to 
you. I am in hopes my letter will not only reach you safely, but will be 
personally handed to you without fear of its being opened and read. A 
frigate which Monsieur de Rochambeau is sending back to France will 
carry it to you, as one of the Duke de Lauzun's men is aboard of her; he 
is to be intrusted with my letter to hand to Count Creutz, to whom I 
have also written by bearer. An officer is to be sent to France by this 
frigate to give the government there an account of the true position of 
our army and that of our dear allies, both bad enough. 


It is not at present known who will be intrusted with this delicate 
mission. Every one seems to think I will get it, as several of the com- 
missioned officers, Monsieur de Chastellux, and Baron Viomesnil have 
mentioned me as one fully capable of carrying out the instructions of 
the general in this particular case. I do not know what the result will 
be, as I will take no step to obtain it, nor will I refuse it should the 
general offer it to me. I should, however, prefer not to be burdened with 
such a task, as something interesting might occur here during my absence, 
and I should be in despair were I away. Our position here is a very 
disagreeable one. We are vegetating at the very door of the enemy, in 
a most disastrous state of idleness and inactivity, all of which is attrib- 
utable to our inferior numbers, which are terribly tired out, being obliged 
to be always fatiguingly on the defensive. We are of no possible aid to 
our allies; we cannot leave our island without exposing our fleet to the 
danger of being captured or destroyed ; our fleet cannot leave port with- 
out exposing us to the enemy, who with superior forces in the way of men 
and ships would certainly attack us and cut off our retreat to the main- 
land. There are still some British armaments of more or less importance 
which watch us pretty closely, and we dare not attack these, as they have 
a supply of vessels stationed at Gardiner's Island, some twenty miles to 
the southwest. We can see that the British fleet is some fifteen to twenty 
sail strong. As long as we have no superior forces we shall be obliged to 
remain in. our present position unless we determine to send back the fleet 
and abandon Rhode Island to the English. One result will be the conse- 
quence of the other. Instead of helping the Americans we are a draw- 
back to them ; we cannot reinforce their army, as we are about a twelve 
days' march from them, separated by great arms of the sea which are dan- 
gerous to cross in winter because of their huge floating blocks of ice. We 
are in fact a burthen to the allies, because our victualing makes provisions 
scarce for them. Our paying gold cash down, even, undervalues government 
paper, as this deprives General Washington's army of the facility of using 
their paper to purchase provisions — it is refused whenever offered. Our 
financial is as bad as our military condition. We had brought with us 
only two hundred and sixty thousand pounds, half in specie and half by 
letters of credit on Mr. Holcker, a banker in Philadelphia ; we ought of 
course to have brought double that amount. The scarcity of specie here 
makes us use our ready money continually; the consequence is, it enforces 
us to the most rigid economy, when we ought to have been lavish and 
profuse in our expenditures. This ruins our credit. Then, too, the secur- 
ing of provender for the horses has been terribly mismanaged ; it had been 


delegated to a contractor, who had himself depended on a sub-contractor. 
These gentlemen not viewing the question from a military standpoint 
had simply consulted their own interests, and instead of securing and 
storing all the provender of the island within a radius of thirty or forty 
miles, with easy transportation facilities, made us very foolishly consume 
the nearest provender at hand, leaving the farthest distant for the hard 
winter months. 

God knows how we shall manage to get these ! We have been twice 
out of provender, obliged to buy just enough to last us two days, wherever 
we could find it. The generals are not in complete harmony ; the army is 
discouraged with their total inactivity. The second division has not yet put 
in an appearance, and without this we cannot do much, or at least what 
will amount to something. Monsieur de Rochambeau is sending to France 
an account of the state of things here ; he begs for an increase of troops as 
well as a fresh supply of money. We await the result of this letter. 

About fifteen days ago I went to Hartford (some forty miles from 
here) with Monsieur de Rochambeau. There were only six of us in the 
party: the general, the admiral, Viscount Rochambeau (the general's son), 
a superior officer of the engineering corps, and two aids-de-camp (myself 
included). An interview was arranged between the generals, Washing- 
ton and Rochambeau. I was sent on slightly in advance to "announce 
Rochambeau's approach, and thus had an opportunity of studying this 
most illustrious man of our century (not to say the only one). His majes- 
tic, handsome countenance is stamped with an honesty and a gentleness 
which correspond well with his moral qualities. He looks like a hero ; he 
is very cold, speaks little, but is frank and courteous in manner ; a tinge 
of melancholy affects his whole bearing, which is not unbecoming ; on the. 
contrary it renders him, if possible, more interesting. His suite outnum- 
bered ours : the Marquis de Lafayette, General Knox of the artillery, Mon- 
sieur de Gouvion, a French officer of engineers; and six aids-de-camp; 
besides an escort of twenty-two dragoons ; of course this latter was indis- 
pensable, as he had to cross a country bristling with enemies ; no post- 
horses being procurable, the journey had to be taken on horseback with 
private horses on account of the miserable condition of the roads. In this 
one instance, however, nearly every one had come in carriages except our 
own aids-de-camp. It was a three days' journey for us as well as for 
Washington. Whilst we were journeying we heard of Rodney's arrival in 
New York. We continued on, however. During our stay in Hartford the 
two generals and the admiral were closeted together all day ; the Marquis 
de Lafayette assisted as interpreter, as General Washington does not speak 


French nor understand it. They separated, quite charmed with one 
another, at least they said so. It was on leaving Hartford that General 
Washington discovered Arnold's treachery. He was one of their most 
heroic generals, had been twice wounded, and had always conducted him- 
self bravely. He had been won over by General Clinton and made to 
promise to deliver up West Point (where he commanded) into the enemy's 
hands. Major Andre, Clinton's first aid-de-camp, had been sent in the dis- 
guise of a countryman to examine the fortifications and to make the 
necessary arrangements for Clinton's mode of attack and Arnold's retreat 
so as to arouse no suspicion. A frigate had been sent up the Hudson and 
a sloop was to be stationed at some given point. All had been satisfac- 
torily arranged with Arnold. Major Andre was setting out for the sloop, 
which, however, could not be found. The frigate on account of the firing 
of the West Point guns had slipped two miles below, where she was 
stationed. Major Andre, ignorant of this fact, started to go by land to 
New York, but he was arrested by a small band of farmers who had been 
formed into a strict patrol corps to secure Washington's safe journey onto 
Hartford. Andr6 showed them his passport signed by Arnold, but they 
doubting its authenticity and in spite of all inducements on Andre's part 
to bribe them, he was carried to headquarters. In the meantime General 
Washington arrived at West Point ; he had sent on two of his aids-de- 
camp to the general to announce that he would dine with him and make 
a personal inspection of the fortifications. The aids found Arnold at 
breakfast alone with his wife ; they were invited to be seated, but scarcely 
had they taken their places when a messenger arrived and whispered a 
few words to the general, who arose and hurriedly murmuring to his wife, 
" Farewell forever ! " left the house. The woman fainted ; the young offi- 
cers rushed to her assistance, not knowing what the matter really was; a 
few moments afterwards General Washington heard of the whole affair by 
a courier. A search was made for the traitor ; it was too late, he had 
escaped. If the British had succeeded in capturing this point they would 
have been masters of the Hudson, they would have cut off all communi- 
cation between our armies or forced us to march considerably out of our 
way to join them, and Washington camped at Orangetown between West 
Point and New York would indeed have been caught between two fires 
and utterly destroyed before we could have reached him with our forces. 
It would have been, perhaps, the total ruin of America itself, and we 
would have had the humiliation of landing here merely to witness the 
complete annihilation of our allies and add to their miserable dependence 
by the state of demoralization it would have produced ; our position then 


would have been an extremely perilous one, as the British having then 
nothing more to fear from the Americans might have turned their forces 
against us, and we should not have been strong enough to resist them. 
Fortunately the plot failed. It is rumored that Major Andre has been 
hung. It is a great pity ! He was only twenty-four years old and full of 
talent. The general, however, has no positive information about him, 
but we hope it is a false report. 

I have already mentioned to you, dear father, my intimacy with the 
Duke de Lauzun. Public opinion seems to be pretty evenly divided about 
him ; there are good and evil reports in circulation. r Y\i<z former, however, 
is the truth, and the latter nothing but falsehood ; for if the people who so 
dislike him only knew him better they would soon change their opinions 
about him and could then do justice to his excellent heart. He has taken 
quite a fancy to me, and proposes in the frankest way imaginable to have 
me appointed to the rank of brevet colonel in command of his legion, 
where now there is a vacancy ; in fact he hopes to turn it over entirely to 
me, as in a year's time he retires from active service. His legion consists 
of one thousand infantry and five hundred mounted hussars, besides a 
few pieces of artillery. This proposition is too agreeable as well as too 
advantageous for me to think of hesitating one moment about accepting 
it, therefore it has a double charm. The Duke de Lauzun has written 
about this to the queen, who has not only been most gracious to him, but 
a little kind to me. I have also written to her majesty, and I am in hopes 
that the frigate which bears an answer to these may bring me likewise my 
brevet. Lauzun assures me there is no doubt about this. 

Newport, 26th October, 1780. 

You have already heard of the defeat of General Gates in the south, 
for I sent you the news. Congress has recalled him to Philadelphia and 
has given his command to General Greene. He is under suspicion, as he 
was so intimate with Arnold. It appears that the latter's desertion has had 
no consequences whatever. All is quiet ; two battalions of grenadiers and 
fusiliers with detachments of other army regiments, numbering some four 
thousand men, have sailed from New York for the south of the states. 
A fleet from Cork, Ireland, has landed in New York laden with provisions, 
which were sorely needed. This fleet brought some four thousand fresh 
recruits composed partly of British and Hessians.. What a terrible thing 
this war has been for England ! She has been obliged to send over even 
her provisions. This power must have indeed great resources to be able 
to keep up the struggle as long as she has done. 


NEWPORT, 13th November, 1780. 

The frigate which carried our letters left here the 28th of last month. 
On the 27th we sighted a fleet of thirteen men-of-war; the next day, how- 
ever, we lost all sight of them, and hearing that they were sailing due east, 
three of our frigates left port; we have not been informed of the destina- 
tion of the two others, we are totally without news. We believe, however, 
that Monsieur Ginchim left for Europe. 

As I said, the Arnold affair has had no serious consequences except 
for poor Major Andr£, who has been hung. He was a most promising 
young fellow, only twenty-four years old, and a friend of General Clin- 
ton's. His terrible ending has quite stirred up the army. The two officers 
deputed by Washington to be his guard of honor to the place of execu- 
tion had not the heart to accompany him. General Gates, whose defeat 
you must have read the account of in the Gazetteer, was recalled to Phila- 
delphia by congress, and the command of his division given to General 
Greene, who seems to be liked by the army. It is said that congress 
suspecting Gates because of his intimacy with Arnold, recalled him for 
that very reason. The three states, New York, Connecticut and Massa- 
chusetts, have just named General Washington dictator with absolute 
military authority. It is thought the other ten states will do likewise. 
This resolution has infused fresh vigor and nerve into the campaign; it 
will considerably change the status of things by arousing the slow indo- 
lence of these Americans. Fourteen Spanish and nine French vessels 
have just captured a convoy off Madeira; it consisted of fifty sail from 
India and the isles richly freighted. The war is not any more active than 
it was. A small victory which the Americans obtained over the British is 
the latest news, but as it is not confirmed I do not credit it. Six thousand 
troops, nearly all grenadiers and fusiliers, have left New York; three thou- 
sand of these have already landed at Chesapeake bay. It is said General 
Clinton is to leave with the remainder; surely it must be to make an 
expedition in the south? To capture perhaps North Carolina and Vir- 
ginia, or else to commit as many depredations as possible. They will meet 
with small resistance there on the part of the American forces, which are 
only four thousand strong in all, and some militia which cannot be de- 
pended on. Unfortunately the term of service of these very same four 
thousand men expires in January, so that the army will be reduced then to 
nothing. General Washington cannot leave the position he now occupies 
without exposing the whole course of the Hudson and adjacent country 
to the attack of the enemy, and we, by lacking sufficient means, cannot 
leave our island where we are shut up like an oyster in its shell. The 

Vol. XXV.-No. i.— S 


British, therefore, will have unrestricted liberty to act as they please in the 
south. They have garrisoned Charleston with about six thousand men 
with which they can reinforce their army, and besides all this, half of the 
country people sympathize with them. They have a beautiful position, 
and they know it and profit by it, whilst ours will be simply a despairing 
one if it does not change soon. 

Rochambeau has just sent the legion of De Lauzun some twenty-nine 
leagues inland on a foraging expedition, as there was no hay or grain 
for the cattle. The Duke de Lauzun still treats me with the same kind 
friendliness. He frequently mentions my advancement and how pleased 
he would be to further it by placing me in full command, for all of 
which he will accept no remuneration whatever. He said once when 
I mentioned something of the kind, ""I have sometimes bought men but 
I never sell them. I would in fact gladly pay a man who would take 
as good charge of my command (whom I love as my children) as you 
will." This of course shows how kindly disposed the man is. The hope 
of being put promptly in possession elates me. 

Newport, 7th December, 1780. 

You see, my dear father, we are still in Newport ; we do not even think 
of stirring, as we are in quiet possession of our winter quarters. Wash- 
ington's army has just gone into theirs about a fortnight ago. Admiral 
Rodney has returned to the West Indies with his ten vessels. Arbuthnot 
is here with seven sail and three or four frigates besides. Affairs in the 
south are doing well. Colonel Ferguson has been defeated by the 
Americans, his division of some fourteen hundred men have nearly 
all been destroyed. This has forced Lord Cornwallis, who commands 
the British forces in that section of country, to withdraw to Charles- 
ton with his corps of four thousand, the half of whom had died from 
disease and over fatigue. The English had sent Brigadier Leslie with 
a corps of twenty-five hundred from New York to join Cornwallis. 
By an intercepted letter which Leslie wrote to Cornwallis we learned 
since that Leslie landed with his troops at Portsmouth, Virginia, where 
he was awaiting orders to form a junction. To all appearances now 
it will not take place, owing to Cornwallis's withdrawal to Charles- 
ton. There is even question of Leslie's return to New York. Before 
retiring to winter quarters Washington made an attempt on Staten 
Island. He, desirous of attracting the British attention in another quarter, 
made a feint of foraging at Kingsbridge, but they were not taken in by 
this strategy, as they doubly reinforced their position on the island; he 


had therefore to abandon the project. Rochambeau has just made a 
little six days' trip on the mainland. I was of the party, but we saw 
neither a fine country nor a good population ; they are all lazy and 
greedy. With two such amiable vices, how can any warlike material be 
made of them ? 

NEWPORT, 9th of January, 1 78 1. 

As regards our military situation, there is absolutely nothing new, 
dear father ; it seems as if we were irrevocably doomed to be on the 
defensive, as it is very hard to say which side will first begin the approach- 
ing campaign. This probably will depend on the arrival of fresh troops 
from Europe. The side which receives theirs first will of course (as it 
seems to me) profit by superior numbers to make an attack on the other. 
Should the forces which France destines for us arrive, we shall, for a time 
at least, have some superiority on the sea. That is the only way to 
operate and put an end to a war that is as wearisome as it is ruinous. 
Although we are not masters upon the sea, we can at least prevent the 
English from making any further inroads into the country ; we cannot, 
however, force them to leave the coast. Their commerce, too, is in a flour- 
ishing condition and they are by these very means furnished the where- 
withal for subsistence, which otherwise they would be deprived of. As 
long as they hold Quebec, Halifax, New York, Charleston, and Jamaica, 
they necessarily will not make a peace, which must be the outcome of 
the ruin of their commercial condition, and the seizure of one or two of 
these ports. The failure to capture Jamaica this year will be an opportu- 
nity ; I fear one which will never occur again. The reinforcements prom- 
ised us from France consist I think of eight men-of-war. There is one 
of one hundred and ten guns, three of eighty, three of seventy-four, and 
one of sixty-four. We do not know the number of troops. We received 
this piece of information by a ship which arrived in Boston some fifteen 
days ago. She was from Nantes, having made the passage in thirty-eight 
days. Our government has neglected us shamefully, for since our arrival 
here we have had no letters whatever. 

The campaign in the south is carried on more actiVely than our 
northern one. I have already told you, dear father, that the troops 
under Lord Cornwallis there gained no inconsiderable victory over Gen- 
eral Gates last September. A short time afterwards the British advance 
guard, consisting of some fourteen hundred men under Colonel Ferguson, 
marched rather imprudently into the country and were surrounded by 
the militia, some three thousand strong, and entirely routed. This mishap 


joined to sickness, which began to weaken the British army, obliged Lord 
Cornwallis to retire to Camden. About that time General Clinton sent 
twenty-five hundred men to join Cornwallis's forces ; they landed at 
Portsmouth, Virginia, but the retreat to Camden prevented the junction, 
and they had to reimbark and have sailed for Cape Fear it is said. 
The report is that Cornwallis is surrounded at Camden, his troops are suf- 
fering from hunger and disease ; they have been compelled to eat their 
horses. The truth of this rumor, however, has not been confirmed. The 
news of the embarkation of twenty-five hundred men from the port 
of New York for the south is more likely to be true. These troops are 
destined to join Ferguson's at Cape Fear, and they are ultimately to 
march to Cornwallis's rescue at Camden should he be surrounded, and 
begin campaign operations with him. Should this junction take place 
the south is irrevocably lost, as the Americans have no army there what- 
ever. The forces they counted on were destroyed by General Gates and 
the scattered remnants are destitute of clothes, of shoes, and of arms. 
To be sure there is the militia, which is only called out when danger 
threatens, but which runs away when the enemy appears ; how will it act 
when compelled to face the well-drilled and well-seasoned troops of the 
British ? 

That is the state of affairs in the south. Ours is not much better ; we 
are forced to be the idle spectators of the loss of a section of the country 
and cannot raise a finger to help them. I have traveled but little in this 
country. Several of our army officers are now absent on a trip ; all they 
have seen and all the mistakes they may commit will be a guide for me. 
I shall await the month of March. The different American states have 
passed a resolution to raise a standing army of twenty thousand men for 
three years. The appointment has been made and public interest again 
has been thoroughly aroused. They hope to have all their recruits in by 
the 1st of March. I sincerely trust they may succeed, but I am not sure 
of it. Some of these recruits have been engaged for three years, others 
only for the duration of the war, but none of them will serve for love ; it 
is only by dint of offering high pay that the different regiments have been 
filled at all. Money is scarce ; in fact there is none. The taxes do not 
suffice ; there is no credit, no resources, it seems to me. This is the time or 
never to be of some service to them and repair our inactive and useless 
campaign by furnishing them with all the means and the clothing they 
may need. Should, however, our reinforcements from France fail to come 
we may be ourselves in want and reduced to the humiliating expedient of 
paying our army in paper money,. You see, dear father, by these expla- 


nations you have a truthful statement of the whole question, and how dif- 
ficult it is to raise an army which can only be kept on a standing footing 
by money. Besides all this the spirit of patriotism is only to be found 
amongst the military chiefs and the principal men of the country, who 
do make great sacrifices; the bulk of the population, however, only look 
out for their own interests. Money is the prime motor of all their actions ; 
their only thought is how to make it. Every one for himself, no one for 
the public good. The inhabitants of the coast and the stanchest whigs 
carry provisions of all kinds to the British fleet anchored in Gardiner's 
Bay, and they get well paid for their pains; they swindle us unmercifully; 
everything is exorbitantly high, and whenever they have any business deal- 
ings with us they generally treat us more like foes than friends. Their 
cupidity is unequalled, for money is their god ; virtue and honor hold 
no place beside the precious metal. There are, of course, estimable people 
among them, people noted for their noble, generous natures — fortunately 
there are many such — but I am speaking of the country as a whole. I be- 
lieve there is more of the Dutch than of the English element among them. 
This, dear father, is my opinion of this country, its inhabitants, and its 
war, and this opinion is corroborated by all intelligent-minded persons — 
persons who are better able to judge the situation than I can. With 
troops, with ships, and plenty of money, all this could be remedied ; but 
should this latter not be sent forthwith to help us in our needs and enable 
us to succor our allies, then nothing can be done, and the ministry of 
France will have capped the climax with its stupidity. We have just 
received most disastrous news; the Pennsylvania troops, numbering some 
twenty-five hundred men and recruited in the state of Pennsylvania, 
have passed over to the enemy. They were, it is true, thoroughly 
demoralized, being destitute of clothes and shoes, then starved for nearly 
four days. There is an amended report to this, that they repenting of 
their desperate act returned to camp and sent six of their sergeants to 
treat with congress the conditions under which they return to duty. This 
last bit of news has not been confirmed. This desertion has set a most 
disastrous example ; it proves, furthermore, how much reliance can be 
placed in such material. We have had nothing recent from the south, so 
that we are ignorant as to what may be taking place there. 

NEWPORT, 14th oi January, 1781. 

We have just received the detailed account of two little engagements 
in the south wherein the Americans were victorious. There were only 
two small British detachments repulsed. I am glad to report that the 


Pennsylvanians did not pass over to the enemy ; they have taken up a 
strong position at Morristown. Everything is carried on with the greatest 
order; there are no officers but sergeants in command. These are per- 
fectly well fitted for the post ; they send out foraging parties to gather in 
whatever they may need, and give receipts which they promise congress 
will redeem. General Clinton, it appears, sent them a letter by two of his 
spies, in which he promised them fourteen months' back pay (which had 
been owing them), a bounty besides, new clothes, and then the regular pay 
of the British troops. He assured them that he would form them into a 
corps apart, and that they would always be led by their own officers, to 
whom likewise he promised advancement and higher pay. Notwithstand- 
ing all these allurements the Pennsylvanians arrested the spies and hung 
them. Congress has sent three of its members to treat with them ; they 
on their side have named six of their sergeants to represent them. 

They demand fourteen months of back pay, new clothing and pro- 
visions for the future. All this will certainly be acceded to, but the 
difficulty will be to find ready money, as it is next to impossible. I 
should think we ought to now step in and furnish them with the requisite 
cash and give them whatever they might need besides for suppressing 
this rebellion. But we are powerless, and without the prompt assistance 
of France we ourselves will not have the wherewithal to pay our own 

A slight coolness has sprung up between Rochambeau and Washing- 
ton ; the latter considers himself the aggrieved party and our general has 
not the slightest idea what the reason may be. He has charged me with 
a letter to him, as well as to gather information regarding the cause of dis- 
content. I am to patch up matters peacefully if I can, or if the case be a 
serious one to report immediately. You see, dear father, I am to act the 
part of mediator. It will be my first attempt in that role ; I only trust I 
may succeed. 

( Translated from the French by) 

{To be continued.) 


When the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson reached its final 
stage, the senate first voted on the eleventh or last article, but did not 
continue in reverse order ; it next took up the first article. The Magazine 
of American History follows the illustrious precedent : having recently- 
published a sketch of the sixth auditor's office of the United States 
treasury, it now treats of the first. 

When President Washington was inaugurated the government may be 
said to have consisted of a president, a congress, and a constitution: 
Though departments and courts were provided for, none had yet been 
created : it remained for the first congress to project and set them in' 
operation. Naturally the first department to be considered was that of 
state, so that our new government would have some authorized agent 
to carry on business with other nations. This was accomplished July 
27, 1889. Only two other departments were established by the first 
congress — that of war, August 7, and that of the treasury, September 
2, 1789. An attorney-general was provided for on September 24 of the 
same year, but he was not placed at the head of a department until the 
creation of the department of justice, June 22, 1870, occupying in the 
meantime a position akin to that of a planet without any satellites. 
He was always a member of the cabinet, which may be mentioned as an 
undefinable body, unknown to the Constitution or statutes ; but, like the 
common law, a creature of the tradition or history of republics and 
limited monarchies. The remaining four departments were respectively 
established or erected as follows: The post-office, May 8, 1794; the 
navy, April 3c, 1798; the interior, March 3, 1849; anc ^ agriculture in' 
a minor form, with a commissioner at the head, May 15, 1862 ; then made 
a full-fledged department, in charge of a secretary, February 9, 1889. 
These are all mentioned because the first auditor's office has more or 
less jurisdiction over the accounts of all of the departments. 

The first secretary of the treasury, Alexander Hamilton, is accredited 
with the authorship of the act creating the department. Like any other 
financial institution it was necessary to have one or more accounting 
officers. This act provided for two, an auditor and a comptroller of the 
treasury, their powers being not separate and distinct, but concurrent ; 
or, rather, what would in law be known as original and appellate, with this 


difference : that action of both officers was essential in all cases. An 
auditor is technically defined as one authorized to adjust accounts. This 
is not strictly true of the first auditor of the treasury, nor in fact of any 
but the sixth auditor ; on the contrary, he is only given power to receive 
and examine accounts, and certify the balances, and transmit the same 
with the vouchers and certificates to the first comptroller for his decision 
therein. Thus the auditor's position resembles that of a master in 
chancery as referee, who reports an account to the court for action ; or, 
to use a homelier illustration, that of the well-satisfied hod-carrier, who 
boasted that he got paid for carrying bricks to the top of a house, while 
a man up there did all the work. The work of the auditor, like that of 
the carrier, is as laborious as that of the workman who finishes the task. 

There was originally but one auditor, who examined all accounts 
except those of the state and war departments ; these were examined and 
settled by accountants in the respective departments. Similar accountants 
officiated in the post-office and navy departments after their establish- 
ment, until March 3, 1817, when congress concluded to have the whole 
system of accounts under the control of the treasury, therefore abolished 
the office of accountant, and substituted auditors in their stead. 

The original auditor, by this act, was given the title of first auditor, 
and the others followed in numerical succession. The first auditor had 
general jurisdiction, the others limited ; briefly stated, the second and 
third act on accounts arising in the war department, the fourth in the 
navy, the fifth in the state, the sixth in the postal service, leaving to the 
first all accounts not specifically enumerated. Detachments from the 
first and annexation to some one of the others have been made from time 
to time, until, at the adoption of the revised statutes seventeen years ago, 
the duties of the first auditor were declared to relate to " all accounts 
accruing in the treasury department ; all accounts relating to the receipts 
from customs, including accounts of collectors and other officers of the 
customs; all accounts accruing on account of salaries in the patent-office; 
all accounts of the judges, marshals, clerks, and other officers of all the 
courts of the United States ; all accounts of the officer in charge of the 
public buildings and grounds in the District of Columbia ; all accounts of 
the expenditures of the department of agriculture ; all accounts relating 
to prisoners convicted in any court of the United States." 

The first class in this enumeration is very extensive. In addition to 
the accounts arising strictly in the treasury department, a liberal and 
uniform construction has been given that it includes legislative expenses, 
salaries of departmental officers generally, whether in the treasury or out 


of it. Thus the accounts for salaries of the departmental force in the war 
department are audited by the first auditor, those for the army and for 
public improvements of rivers, etc., by the second and third auditors ; 
the distinction being that the expenses of the civil list are construed to 
arise in the treasury department, those of the military in the war depart- 
ment. In like manner the distinction has been drawn between the civil 
and naval list, the home and foreign list in the state department, and the 
departmental and postal service. The system of settling claim accounts 
has always been two-fold, either by advancement to a bonded disbursing 
officer or by payment to a claimant direct. 

In the first case, let us take for example the disbursing clerk of the 
treasury. The congress makes an appropriation say for four hundred 
thousand dollars for salaries in the office of the secretary ; that is, so much 
for the secretary, so much for assistant secretaries, so much for chiefs of 
division and clerks and other employees, specifying the number and 
salary of each class. The fiscal year begins on the first day of July. 
Along towards the middle of the month — for the departments pay their 
employees semi-monthly — the disbursing clerk will ask the secretary for 
a requisition for thirty-three thousand dollars. This is issued on the 
treasurer, who pays the money to the disbursing clerk ; at the end of three 
months the disbursing clerk makes out an account current, charging him- 
self with the moneys advanced, and crediting himself with the signed 
monthly pay-rolls. This quarterly account is sent to the first auditor, 
and one of his clerks takes it up, and sends to the register of the treasury 
for a statement showing the state of the disbursing clerk's account under 
that particular appropriation. For the first quarter the register's books 
show only the advancements; afterwards they will show also the balance 
either way on the previous quarter. The auditor's clerk compares the 
disbursing clerk's statement of money received with the register's certifi- 
cate ; these usually agree, but if they do not the register's statement is 
for the present accepted, and the disbursing clerk is afterwards to explain 
the discrepancy. Next, the auditing clerk turns to the disbursements, 
sees that the pay-rolls are all signed by the proper person, and approved 
by the chief of the appointment division ; that no more than the legal 
number of the employees of each class are paid ; and that the calculations 
as to the number of days and the amount of pay are correct. Then an 
auditor's certificate is made out, and if the balance due to or from the 
disbursing clerk differs from his own statement, a statement of differences 
is also made out, showing how or wherein the auditor's calculation differs 
from that of the disbursing officer. The clerk puts his initials on this 


certificate and passes it to the chief of division, who initials it if he 
approves it and the auditor signs on the faith of these two initials. 

Unless some new and important question arises the auditor never 
sees anything but the certificate ; and when he signs it with the opening 
words, " I certify that I have examined an account between the United 
States and John Smith, and find," etc., he is indulging in a legal fiction, in 
which there is no more truth than the indorsement on every congressional 
bill: " Read twice and referred to the committee," or in the daily state- 
ments of attendance at professional ball games. 

The appropriations for salaries have for many years been kept sepa- 
rate for each bureau in the treasury and for each item of contingent 
expenses, so that quarterly there comes to the first auditor from eighty to 
one hundred accounts of these two characters alone. Then for the pub- 
lic buildings, always in course of construction, there is a separate account 
for a disbursing officer for each building, who draws money by requisition 
as may be needed, and pays bills approved by the supervising architect. 

When a United States marshal wants to draw money, say to pay wit- 
nesses, he writes to the attorney-general who makes a requisition for the 
amount; this is sent to the first auditor who indorses on it the amount 
of vouchers on hand in his office and sends it to the register, who certi- 
fies what balance, if any, the marshal appears to owe according to his 
books, and sends the requisition to the first comptroller who deducts 
the vouchers from the balance due from the marshal, and approves any 
advance that will not overreach the marshal's bond of $20,000. Then the 
marshal pays out to the witnesses whatever amount the court directs, and 
forwards an account current and receipted pay-roll with the court's ap- 
proval, and an account is stated by the auditor as in case of a disbursing 
clerk ; only it is under appropriation for fees of witnesses in the United 
States courts. If the marshal has drawn too much money he deposits 
the amount to pay back with some recognized depository, and it is turned 
into the treasury on the secretary's warrant. 

In case of payment to a claimant direct take, for example, the case of 
a United States commissioner : he presents his account to the court by 
which it is approved and sent to the first auditor, one of whose clerks 
takes it up, examines it, sees that the charges are all legal and authorized, 
or if not strikes out the improper ones and prepares a certificate and 
statement of differences in the manner before stated. After the first 
comptroller approves or alters this certificate it is copied and sent to the 
attorney-general, who makes a requisition for the amount found due, sends 
it back to the treasury, and the secretary issues his warrant, and the treas- 


urer sends a draft to the claimant. No debit and credit account is kept 
with any but disbursing officers. 

Besides the claim accounts there are the receipt accounts of the cus- 
toms officers, amounting last year to $254,694,204.97 (the internal rev- 
enue being audited by the fifth auditor) ; and the treasurer's accounts for 
moneys received, $647,002,990.13 ; and receipts in mints and assay offices, 
$106,741,654.09; and other minor receipts. These, with the treasurer's dis- 
bursements on public debts and payments out of other appropriations, 
made the grand total of accounts examined and audited run up to the 
following figures for 1889: 

2,761 receipt accounts, amounting to $1,019,684,429.60 

31,867 disbursement accounts, amounting to 1,165,879,638.80 

Total accounts, 34,628, amounting to $2,185,564,068.40 

It is hardly worth while to go back a century for statistics showing 
the continuous growth of business in this office; it would be wearying if 
not confusing to the reader. It may be stated, however, that for the fis- 
cal year 1861 the total accounts were 9,205, involving $241,893,457.28 — the 
thirty years showing that the accounts have increased three-fold in num- 
ber and eight-fold in monetary value. All this has been accomplished by 
from time to time improving the system in use, with an increase of only 
twenty-five per cent, in the office force, which at present numbers only 
sixty-three from the auditor down to the laborers. 

The auditor's certificates, as has been stated, are sent to the first comp- 
troller, with all the papers for his decision except in customs cases, when 
they are sent to the commissioner of customs, an officer authorized by 
act of March 3, 1849, m order to relieve the comptroller to the extent 
that the name indicates. There is a second comptroller, who revises the 
accounts of the second, third, and fourth auditors, and the commissioner 
of customs has sometimes been called the third comptroller. 

While the action of the auditor must always be revised, it is the 
theory of the law that his office must be as vigilant and painstaking as 
though no one was to follow after, and that the first comptroller and 
commissioner of customs are only to correct the auditor's errors and 
oversights. It is but just to say that the auditor has always endeav- 
ored to live up to that theory, and that the differences sometimes arising 
between the offices spring from differences of opinion on legal questions 
rather than from hasty and negligent work. 

Probably no civil office under the government has been less susceptible 


to political influence. In the century of its existence there have been but 
twelve incumbents of the office : 


Oliver Wolcott, Jr., Connecticut September 12, 1789. 

William Smith, Maryland July 16, 1791. 

Richard Harrison, Virginia November 29, 1791. 

Jesse Miller, Pennsylvania November, 1, 1836. 

Tully R. Wise, Virginia June 17, 1842. 

William Collins, Virginia July 24, 1849. 

John C. Clark, New York August 2, 1849. 

Thomas L. Smith, Virginia October 31, 1849. 

David W. Mahen, Pennsylvania December 19, 1871. 

Robert M. Reynolds, Alabama April 16, 1878. 

James Q. Chenoweth, Texas May, 1, 1885. 

George P. Fisher, Delaware June 5, 1889. 

Omitting the brief terms of William Smith and Clark, and of the 
present incumbent, we have in a century only nine auditors, showing an 
average term of over eleven years, equal to that of the chief-justices. 

Two Virginians, Richard Harrison, a kinsman of the President, and 
Thomas L. Smith, held this office for two-thirds of the time : the former 
occupying it forty-five years, under every president from Washington 
to and including Jackson ; and the latter for twenty-two years, or from 
Taylor to Grant. When auditor Smith died, so little was politics con- 
sidered that his successor Mr. Mahen, although a democrat, was promoted 
by President Grant from the chief clerkship to the vacant place. Up to 
this date it seemed to have been the policy of the government to treat 
this office as a judgeship, and give its incumbents practically a life tenure, 
filling a vacancy by promotion. On Mr. Mahen's retirement in 1878 the 
trail of the political serpent first came over the office. A republican from 
Alabama was brought in " from the outside." He was relieved by a 
democrat in 1885, and he in turn by a republican in 1889. 

The application of the civil service law to the lower grades in the 
departments seems to have resulted in the withdrawal of its principles 
from the making of appointments to the higher. Not only the auditors 
but other like and even lesser officers, whose official duties have no more 
to do with politics than the man in the moon, are regarded as the legiti- 
mate, and seemingly the necessary, prey of each succeeding administra- 
tion, and are officially " strangled as remorselessly as a sightless kitten." 

Washington, D. C. 




At the convent window sat and dreamed 

Isaac Jogues. 
Though his garb was black, and his dark eye beamed* 
With the ardor of youth, yet like Gabriel seemed 

Isaac Jogues. 

Slight was his figure, and fair his face, 
And small his hand in its frills of lace, 
And he bore himself with a courtly grace. 

Born for a palace, forsooth, was he ; 
For a life, wherein no care might be, 
Of dalliance, sloth, and luxury. 

Before him, touched with the moon's soft gold, 
Lay Paris, city of joys untold, 
But vile as Babylon of old. 

And he thought if sin were no longer there 
It would be like the city of vision, fair 
And glorious beyond compare. 

Over the Seine which beneath his eye 
He saw like a crozier of silver lie, 
Came dulcet sounds of revelry, 

And music and voices passing sweet, 
Touching his blood with a subtle heat, 
And quickening his pulses' beat. 

But he crossed himself and turned away, 
And that sin no longer the world might sway, 
Would unto Jesus and Mary pray. 

Till far away a slender light 

He saw, like a star across the night, 

In the nunnery window shining bright, 

78 ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1636 * 

Where prostrate at the altar lay 

A nun, and ceaselessly would pray 

For the Huron mission till dawn of day. 

And the thought like lightning ran through his brain, 
That he would give his life to gain 
Some Huron souls from sin and pain. 

" Sure life the measure of pain should be, 
And life is a thing full brief," said he, 
"While after cometh eternity. 

As into the darkness sank last night's sun, 

So souls to ruin sink one by one, 

While nought to save them by me is done. 

Ah, Lady blessed, no more, I pray, 
Grant me a moment to dream away ! 
But waft, oh, waft me speedily 
To the Huron mission across the sea ! " 

, II 

As one who sees a lover die, 

So Pere Jogues 
From a ship's deck saw, with straining eye, 
The shores of France fade on the sky — 

Sad Pere Jogues. 

And he knew that the nun so slim and straight, 
With a face like Mary's, who, through the grate, 
He had often seen at the nunnery gate, 

Even then before the altar lay, 

And unto Christ through tears would pray 

To guide him safely upon his way. 

And, though sick of body and heart and brain, 
He prayed that his mission might not be in vain, 
And night and day he drew with pain 

The cabin's stifling atmosphere, 
And heard with over weary ear 
The shameless jest and senseless jeer. 

' ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1 636 79 

And days and nights went slowly past, 
Until the heights, obscure and vast, 
Of young Quebec he saw at last — 

Saw o'er the purple billows rise 
For him the gate of sacrifice, 
O'erarched with morning's pearly skies. 

So up the heights with joy he went 

With the brothers thither before him sent, 

And at their rude, rough altar bent. 

* * * * 

Low sighed the winds the pine-woods through, 
As leagues on leagues, in a birch canoe, 
He stemmed the river broad and blue. 

From the river's brink the caribou 
Stared at the boats with their savage crew, 
Then vanished shadow-like from view. 

And the buffalo shook his blinding mane ► 

From his blood-red eyes, and swept amain, 
Like a thunder-storm, across the plain. 

Through wildering wood, by lake and stream, 
From morn's first flush to eve's last gleam, 
He went, as through a dolorous dream-, 

Till, on a dull November day, 

Through shivering swamps of birches gray, 

Tracing a dim, uncertain way, 

The forest opened, and in the west 

He saw the smoke of wigwams crest 

A naked hill which hid, he knew, 

The Mohawk village he sought from view. 


Faithfully through the Indian town 

Good Pere Jogues 
Day by day went up and down, 
In his broad-brimmed hat and sable gown — 

Meek Pere Jogues. 

80 ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1636 

And he told of Christ and his work of grace, 
And the death he died for a fallen race ; 
But he sowed, alas, in a stony place ; 

For his message of love they coldly met, 
And scowled with hate when his foot was set 
In the gloom of their wretched homes ; and yet 

He smiled upon them ; and though within 
His heart was heavy, he strove to win 
Their souls from the dreary ways of sin. 

And what he suffered these souls to gain 

He only knows who with love is fain 

To sound the measureless depths of paim , 

With Famine's fearful form he grew 
Familiar. Ay ! no fear he knew, 
Scanning her face of bloodless hue. 

In wintry wilds his feeble feet 
•Sometimes with wandering hunters beat 
A weary way through snow and sleet. 

And they, whate'er their ills might be — 
Sickness or want — affirmed that he, 
The black-robed, brought it over sea. 

And he would mark with sad surprise, 
Greeting them ever loving wise, 
The gleam of hate in their cruel eyes. 

Seeking his wretched wigwam, oft 
He heard behind a footstep soft, 
And saw the tomahawk flash aloft. 

Still, some strange power the stroke would stay, 
And he would live to toil and pray 
For his fierce foes ; but one drear day 

They tortured and maimed him cruelly, 
Yet slew him not, o'erjoyed to see 
The black-robed suffer patiently. 

ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1 636 8 1 

They slew him not, forsooth ; ah, no ! 
The death on him they would bestow 
Should be more bitter, sure, and slow. 

But while they paused, a vessel manned 
With Dutch folk, a rude trading band, 
Came like a ghost to that strange land ; 

And he, with what poor life remained, 

One night through darkness crawled and gained 

Its friendly shelter, there to find 

The liberty for which he pined. 


Up the convent road, on a winter morn, 

Walked Pere Jogues, 

With a feeble gait and an air forlorn, 

In the tattered garb of a beggar born — 

Brave Pere Jogues. 

The mass-bell swung on the frosty air, 

And the bishop was donning his vestments fair, 

When the verger came up the marble stair, 

Saying a feeble man, who wore 

The weeds of a beggar, was at the door, 

Who news from the Huron mission bore. 

And ere the bell had ceased to beat, 
Pere Jogues again, his joy complete, 
Was kneeling at the bishop's feet. 

But the bishop looked with a kindly air 

On his pallid face and snowy hair, 

And asked as a stranger the news he bare. 

Tears from the eyes of Pere Jogues fell, 

As he strove his story of pain to tell 

To one who had known him so long and well. 

Yet, when his dolorous tale was told 
• The monks of Rennes, both young and old, 
Heaped honors on him manifold. 

Vol. XXV.-No. 1.-6 

82 ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1 636 

They nursed him until life might be 
A thing once more to love, then he 
To Paris went triumphantly. 

Round the half-martyred hero, proud 
To catch his glance amid the crowd, 
Obsequious courtiers lowly bowed. 

His flngerless hands the dainty queen 
Kissed with a daughter's loving mien, 
Weeping his benisons between. 

But to this humble soul such show 
Of reverence was unblest ; and so 
To his old convent would he go, 

And on the Seine look out once more — 
Look as when youth on eves of yore 
Held even for him some joys in store. 

There still like a crozier of silver lay 
The silent Seine, and far away 
The ancient nunnery's turrets gray. 

And he looked and looked for the well-known light 
Which the sweet-faced nun kept ever bright 
While she prayed for his mission day and night. 

But he looked in vain ; no light was there, 
No longer the fair nun knelt in prayer, 
For she lay dead in her chamber bare. 

On the morrow he looked on her marble face, 
Her small hands folded in maiden grace, 
And saw her laid in her resting place. 

And he thought of the mission across the sea 
She had loved so well, and so faithfully 
Had prayed for, and he said : " For me 

The way is open, the path is plain, 

And I must tread it in spite of pain, 

Of peril, and death, which to me is gain." 

ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1636 83 

And so one morning, when to and fro 

The willows swung and the winds sobbed low 

Round the convent walls, he was ready to go. 

But before he went he would stand once more 
By the little mound and the cross it bore, 
And pray for her on the heavenly shore, 

As she prayed for him when alone with God 

The terrible Huron wilds he trod ; 

So down he knelt on the dank green sod, 

And prayed heart full till the morn was spent, 
Then rose to go, with head low bent, 
Murmuring as down the path he went : 

" Oh ! would that I might be so blest , 
As within this hallowed ground to rest, 
With those on earth beloved the best ! " 

In fitful gusts the chill winds blew, 

And it seemed to him that a voice he knew 

Sighed through the churchyard, "Adieu ! Adieu ! 

He crossed the sea, he stemmed the flood ; 
Again he traversed the dismal wood, 
And again in the Mohawk village stood, 

And met the scowl of hate again 
With loving service, yet all in vain ; 
His love met ever but fierce disdain. 

And once, as he entered his lodge, a blow, 
Aimed in the dark by a hidden foe, 
Fell suddenly and laid him low. 

Cast forth, his poor dishonored clay, 
The sport of elements, the prey 
Of prowling things, unburied lay, 

Finding no nook for rest ; no place 

For human sympathy to grace, 

To which even thought a path may trace. 

#4 ISAAC JOGUES, A. D. 1636 

Nor may we find, with curious eye, 
Where even the faithful nun may lie, 
Though still the winds persistent sigh 

About the nunnery's turrets gray ; 
Sigh midst the churchyard's drear decay 
Of willow, brier, and matted yew ; 
Sigh as of old, " Adieu ! Adieu ! " 

Portland, Maine. 


Editor of Magazine of American History : 

In the " Notes " of your December issue is a brief account of how the Union 
prisoners of war at Macon, Georgia, " Rallied around the Flag " on the 4th of 
July, 1864. The sketch is true. Captain Harry H. Todd of the Eighth New 
Jersey volunteers, and myself were " chums." After the sixteen hundred officers 
who were prisoners in the pen at Macon had finished their morning repast, they 
got together near the old fair building, and Adjutant Lombard of an Illinois 
cavalry regiment, one of the best singers I ever heard, started the " Star Spangled 
Banner." Such a chorus as followed the adjutant's effort, I had never before, 
and never since, heard. The confederates who manned the stockade, standing in 
the broiling sun, at first manifested no concern, but when some wag sung out 
that a " break " would be made before night the commandant called out his 
entire force, a portion following him into the enclosure, when he insisted that 
.there should be no more singing or speaking. For a few moments there was com- 
motion and some angry thoughts. If we cannot " sing or speak, we can pray," 
said Chaplain Dixon of Connecticut, and down upon his knees he fell, most of 
the officers following him in the attitude. He prayed long and loud, and occa- 
sionally with a tinge of bitterness toward those who had cruelly deprived him and 
us of God-given privileges. Captain Todd still has the tiny flag he waved in the 
Macon prison-yard, and when I met him in San Francisco in 1886, he showed it 
to me in a good state of preservation. Perhaps it may not be uninteresting for 
me to state that Captain Todd and myself, with two companions, Captains 
Alfred Grant and J. E. Lewis, made our escape from the confederates near 
Charleston, South Carolina, in the following October, and after a weary tramp 
for forty-nine days, and suffering more than pen can describe, reached the Union 
lines at Knoxville, Tennessee. 

J. Madison Drake, oth New Jersey Vet. Vols. 

Elizabeth, New Jersey, December 3, 1890. 


Editor of Magazine of American History : 

There has been so much talk about capital punishment of late that perhaps 
a comparison with " ye olden times " might be interesting. I enclose you a copy 
of an old constable's bill, the original of which is in my possession. 


"The Publick D r to David Davis & Sam! Edgar Constables for y e punishing 
y? negroes concerned in y? entended Insurrection in St Jn°. s Parish Berkley County 
as follows. 


5 negroes 


Cutting off y? years of . 

21 do . 


Branding of . 

31 do . 

3 1 

Whipping of . 

46 do . 

- £46 


The above ace* Certified p. r me 

J. Colleton. 
Jan? 29, 1740" 

It did not cost very much to hang a negro in 1740. 

Very truly yours, 

Elizabeth, New Jersey. 

Bauman L. Belden 


George Catlin in describing his western travels in 1832 says : "Notwithstand- 
ing all that has been written and said, there is scarcely any subject on which the 
knowing people of the East are less informed than on the character of the West. By 
this I mean the ' Far West,' the country whose fascinations spread a charm over 
the mind, almost dangerous to civilized pursuits. Few people even know the true 
definition of the term 'West,' and where its location. Phantom-like it flies 
before us as we travel on our way and is continually gilded before us as we 
approach the setting sun. In the commencement of my tour several of my travel- 
ing companions from the city of New York found themselves at a frightful distance 
to the West when we arrived at Niagara Falls, and hastened home to amuse their 
friends with what they had seen. At Buffalo a vessel was landing with four hun- 
dred passengers, and twelve days out. ' Where from ? ' ' From the West.' In the 
beautiful city of Cincinnati people said to me, ' Our town has passed the days of its 
most rapid growth, it is not far enough West ! ' In St. Louis my landlady assured 
me that I would be pleased with her boarders, for they were nearly all merchants 
from the West. I asked, ' Whence come those steamboats laden with pork, honey, 
hides, etc.? ' The answer was, ' From the West ! ' " 




The electric telegraph — In his 
new work Thomas Jefferson s Views on 
Public Education, Mr. Henderson says: 
" It was a happy moment in the life of 
Professor Morse when in 1859, to an 
assembly in the University of New York 
— at which were present the Prince of 
Wales, who was visiting the United 
States, and the Duke of Newcastle — he 
made an address in the course of which 
he thus spoke : ''The infant telegraph, 
born and nursed within these walls, had 
scarcely attained a feeble existence, ere 
it essayed to make its voice heard on 
the other side of the Atlantic. I carried 
it to Paris in 1838. It attracted the 
warm interest not only of the continen- 
tal philosophers, but also of the intel- 
ligent and appreciative among the emi- 
nent nobles of Britain, then on a visit 
to the French capital. Foremost among 
these was the late Marquis of Northamp- 
ton, then president of the Royal Society, 
the late distinguished Earl of Elgin, "and 
in a marked degree the noble Earl of 
Lincoln.' " 

Mrs. sigourney's birthplace — A 
tradition exists in the northern part of 
the old township of Lyme, Connecticut 
(eight miles above the village of that 
name) that Mrs. Sigourney was born 
there, in a house the locality of which 
is pointed out, but which was long ago 
torn down. A very old lady repeats the 
tradition, and says that Mrs. Sigourney 
was adopted early in life and taken to 
Norwich by a family named Lathrop. 
In Miss Caulkins's History of Nortuich, 
it is said that " Ezekiel Huntley and 

Zerviah Wentworth, both of Norwich, 
were married November 28, 1790. 
Lydia, their daughter and only child, 
was born September 1, 1791, while her 
parents were living under the same 
roof with Madam Lathrop," by whom 
she was adopted. " She was married to 
Charles Sigourney of Hartford, June 16, 
1819." On examining the book, we 
find that a Wentworth family lived in 
Norwich, but there is no mention of 
any persons of the name of Huntley 
except Ezekiel Huntley and his daughter 
Lydia. There were Huntleys among 
the early settlers of Lyme, and there 
are still families of the name in different 
parts of the town. In the Lyme town 
records there is found the marriage of 
Ezekiel Huntley to Ruth Miner in 1803. 
If this record refers to the father of Mrs. 
Sigourney, it was his second marriage. 

This tradition was repeated to Judge 
Charles J. McCurdy, now nearly ninety- 
three years of age, with his mind and 
memory unimpaired. He said at once 
that "he had always heard that Mrs. 
Sigourney's father was a Lyme man — - 
one of the Lyme Huntleys." There 
seems, therefore, no reason to doubt 
that Mrs. Sigourney's father was born 
in Lyme, and that his home was in the 
old house, afterward destroyed. It is 
probable that his daughter lived there 
at. some time in her life, as in her mem- 
ory of the neighbors the name is as- 
sociated with the house. 

Many distinguished men, governors, 
judges, lawyers, merchants, soldiers, and 
others, and many eminent women, in- 
cluding an Italian princess of high posi- 



. tion, a British peeress and a countess, 
and wives of many men of distinction, 
have been of Lyme birth or descent, 
but in the proud old town it has not 
been generally known that it had pro- 
duced a poetess. 

The lack of this knowledge is easily 
explained when it is understood that 
Mrs. Sigourney was born a hundred 
years ago, and that her father lived in so 
remote a part of the town. Exeter 

New jersey books and pamphlets — 
The secretary of the New Jersey His- 

torical Society, Mr. William R. Weeks, 
750 Broad street, Newark, New Jersey, 
is preparing a historical bibliography of 
the state of New Jersey. He desires all 
the assistance he can obtain in the way 
of titles and collation of subject-matter 
of pamphlets, books, and manuscripts 
printed in or relating to the state which 
he has chosen as his theme. When pos- 
sible, he desires to purchase such ma- 
terial for his own library, and any of 
those who may possess and desire to 
dispose of matter of this character he 
will be glad to hear from. 


Whittier's poem — Will some one 
tell me who was the Pennsylvania " Pil- 
grim " of Whittier's poem ? 

Washington Merriweather 

Baltimore, Md. 

Amerigo vespucci — The statement 
that Vespucci made a voyage to Pavia 
in 1497, and a second voyage in 1499, is 
discredited by Mufloz, Navarrete, Hum- 
boldt, and also by Messrs. Winsor and 
Gay in the Critical and Narrative History 
of America. In fact very few students of 
history put faith in Vespucci's descrip- 
tion of these two voyages. It is shown, or 
seems to be shown, that he was at those 
times, and before those times, engaged 
in mercantile pursuits with Juan Bevardi. 

I myself can find no proof that Ves- 
pucci made the two voyages he writes 
of, and agree with the critics that as we 
have only his own words for it, it would 
appear that he did not make them. But 
Vespucci certainly accompanied Alonzo 
de Ojeda in 1499 to Pavia, and Ojeda ex- 

pressly says : " I took with me Juan de 
la Cosa, pilot, and Americo Vespuche 
and other pilots." 

Vespucci must, then, in 1499, have 
been considered to be a seaman and an 
experienced one, and also must have been 
considered to kno7v the coast of A merica 
about Pavia; otherwise he would not have 
been taken by Ojeda as pilot. 

The critics seem to have overlooked 
this point. How are we to explain it ? 
Wm. Harway Parker 

206 E. Main St., Richmond, Va. 

Letter of pike — Lieutenant Pike, in 
a letter to General Wilkinson, written 
July 2, 1806, states that he perceives he 
has differed materially from Captain 
Lewis in his account of the numbers, 
manners, and morals of the Sioux ; " but 
I will not only vouch for the authenticity 
of my account," he says, " as to num- 
bers, arms, etc., from my own notes, but 
from having had them revised and cor- 
rected by a gentleman of liberal educa- 


8 9 

tion, who has resided eighteen years in 
that nation, speaks their language, and 
for some years past has been collecting 
materials for their natural and philo- 
sophical history." 

Can any one now living, who may read 
this, think of clews which would lead to 
the discovery of the identity of the gen- 
tleman Pike refers to ? That ascer- 
tained, inquiry might be made among his 
descendants, if any, for manuscript of the 
nature mentioned. Alfred J. Hill 

St. Paul, Minn., Nov. 12, 1890. 


Christopher Willoughby had five or more 
sons — Sir William, first son ; second, 
Christopher ; George, whose wife was 
Anastace ; Sir John, who married Cicely, 
and died 1536 ; and Sir Thomas, young- 
est son. Did any of these sons, besides 
William and Thomas, leave sons ? 

2d. Sir Thomas Willoughby, chief 
justice, youngest son of Sir Christopher, 

married Bridget Read, of Bore Place, 
Kent. They had sons, of whom Robert 
was the eldest. What were the names 
of his other sons ? Did they leave sons ? 

3d. Robert Willoughby married Dor- 
othy, daughter of Sir Edward Willough- 
by of Wollaton. Their eldest son was 
Thomas. What were the names of Rob- 
ert Willoughby's other sons ? 

4th. Thomas Willoughby, sheriff of 
Kent, married Catherine Hart. They 
had seven sons, of whom were Sir Perci- 
val, eldest son, Edward, and Henry, a 
lawyer. Were there other sons ? 

In bringing to a close their large work 
on " Family Histories and Genealogies," 
Mr. and Mrs. Edward E. Salisbury of 
New Haven, Ct, desire to further in- 
quire for the descendants of Deputy 
Governor Francis Willoughby of Charles- 
town, Massachusetts, and to communi- 
cate with them. 

Will descendants, of whatever names, 
kindly reply to above address ? 


The oldest of the arts [xxiv. 
402] — Pottery is the oldest of the arts. 
Its recorded history begins with the 
building of the tower of Babel. Every 
people since the creation of the world 
has practised the art in one form or an- 
other. The Egyptians made soft pottery 
in forms at least 2000 B.C. But the best 
period in the history of pottery is be- 
lieved to have been about 400 B.C. 

A. D. Banyer 

Minneapolis, Minn. 

Washington's aids-de-camp [xxiv. 
481] — The list of aids-de-camp to Gen- 

eral Washington as published in the num- 
ber for December, 1890, omits 

Col. William Palfrey, July 3, 1775, 
aid-de-camp to Gen. Charles Lee. 

March 6, 1776, aid-de-camp to Gen. 
George Washington. 

April 27, 1776, paymaster-general with 
the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 

Nov. 4, 1780, consul-general to France. 

Lost at sea 1780. 

Constant Reader 

Mother goose [xxiv. 482] — Thomas 
Fleet first established the Boston Weekly 
Rehearsal in 1731, and afterward the 



Boston Evening Post. The mother-in- 
law of Thomas Fleet was none other than 
the original Mother Goose — the Mother 
Goose of the world's famous melodies. 
Mother Goose belonged to a wealthy 
family in Boston, where her eldest daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth Goose, was married in 
1 7 15 to Fleet, and in due time gave 
birth to a son. Like most mothers-in- 
law in our own day, the importance of 
Mrs. Goose increased with the appear- 
ance of her grandchild ; and poor Mr. 
Fleet, half distracted with her endless 
nursery ditties, finding all other means 
fail, tried what ridicule could effect, 
and actually printed a book with the 
title, "Songs for the Nursery ; or, 
Mother Goose's Melodies for Children 
Printed by T. Fleet, at his printing house, 
Puding Lane, Boston. Price ten cop- 
pers." Mother Goose was the mother of 
twenty-one children, and hence we may 
easily trace the origin of the famous 
classic : 

" There was an oM woman who lived in a shoe ; 
She had so many children she didn't know 
what to do ! " 

William L. Stone 
Tersey City Heights. 

Mother goose [xxiv. 482] — "Who 
was the real Mother Goose in history ?" 
is asked in your December number. I 
find that Thomas Fleet married Eliza- 
beth Goose, daughter of a wealthy Bos- 
tonian, 8th June, 17 15. His mother-in- 
law, who lived at his house, spent her 
whole time in the nursery and in wan- 
dering about the house, pouring forth in 
unmelodious strains an abundance of 
rhymes for the amusement of Fleet's 
infant son, greatly to the annoyance of 

the whole neighborhood, and of Fleet in 
particular. He endeavored for a long 
time to put an end to it, but his good 
mother-in-law would not be silenced. 
Finally . . ' . he wrote down her songs, 
and published them under the title, "Songs 
for the Nursery ; or, Mother Goose's Mel- 
odies for Children. Printed by T. Fleet 
at his Printing House, Pudding Lane 
[now Devonshire street], 17 19. Price 
two coppers." The book was popular 
and remunerative. 

Will not some one contribute some in- 
teresting particulars in the life of Mother 
Goose ? 

J. M. Parker 

Rochester, N. Y. 

Mother goose [xxiv. 482] — To your 
correspondent's query about Mother 
Goose, let me assure him that, as a boy 
in Boston, I have often had pointed out 
to me the site of the printing office of 
Thomas Fleet. He was the son-in-law 
of Isaac and Elizabeth (Foster) Goose, 
the latter being the veritable Mother 
Goose. These melodies, formerly sung 
to her grandchildren, were first pub- 
lished in 1 7 16, at the printing office 
above mentioned, which had the sign of 
the " Heart and Crown." There is ex- 
cellent authority for the statement that 
the dame in question was for many years 
a member of the historic Old South 
Church. She died at the good old age 
of ninety-two, in 1757, I think. 

E. W. Wright 

Vicksburg, Miss. 

Typographical error [xxiv. 342] 
— For 1673, read 1643. 




The battle of nations [xxiv. 232, 
325, 402, 403] — A sharp critic has called 
my attention to an error, and I cry 
" Peccavi." Marmont was not Duke of 
Dalmatia ; he was Duke of Rajusa, a sea- 
port city of Dalmatia. Soult was Duke 
of Dalmatia. 


Tivoli, New York. 

Author of quotation [xxiv. 402] — 
Your Rochester correspondent asks for 
the name of the author of " To err is 
human ; to forgive, divine." 

He will find the above in Alexander 
Pope's Essay on Criticism, Part II., 
line 525. 

Ferguson Haines 

Biddeford, Maine. 

Universities of the world [xxiii. 
345, 418, 507 ; xxiv. 152, 233]— Further 
additions to my former lists. 

South America — Uruguay. College 
of Montevideo is part of the Univer- 
sidad Mayor of the republic ; 5 to 7 
professors. Large number of students. 
The degree of LL.D. conferred freely on 
the young men in attendance. 

Venezuela — University of Caraccas, 
founded in 1636 as a college, became a 
university in 1722. 1874 : 19 profes- 
sors, 165 students. College of Mereda 
was a university during the last century. 
1874 : 12 professors, 150 students. The 
Jesuits left a prosperous college in Mara- 
caybo when they were expelled ; 13 na- 
tional colleges. Law school at Barce- 
lona and Maracaybo, naval college at 
Maracaybo, medical colleges at Caraccas 
and Maracaybo, fraternal college in La 

Guayra, Independence college and a 
college for poor students, and school of 
drawing and painting at Caraccas. 

Africa — Egypt. Alexandria univer- 
sity was founded by Ismail Pasha, the 
viceroy, in 1871, and is supported by 
him. The instruction is on the French 
plan. There is a " school of Egypt- 
ology " connected with it for the study 
in the rich field of Egyptian archaeology. 
The number of students is limited to 
twenty-four and is open to Europeans. 
A pledge is exacted from them that after 
graduating they will enter the service of 
the Egyptian government several years. 

University of Cairo, El Azhar [xxiv. 
234], is as old as Oxford. Its chief 
building " Gamah el Ezhar" or splen- 
did mosque, covers two acres of ground, 
and is supported by 380 choice columns 
from ancient Egyptian temples and 
churches. One of the professors spoke 
in 1882 of 48,000 students, but according 
to the lowest estimate there are at least 
10,000. The official enumeration gave 
314 professors. The students spend 5 
to 15 years in the school. They are of 
all ages and come from the most remote 
provinces. There are few rules, no 
compulsory course of study, and no roll- 
call or classification of students. Cof- 
fee and tobacco are forbidden within 
the walls. If the students are rich they 
make presents to the professors, who are 
paid entirely by voluntary donations ; if 
poor they are aided. Many of them are 
housed and fed within its walls. The 
viceroy on one occasion of family re- 
joicing sent them a baksheesh of 500 

Murray Edward Poole 

9 2 




The society celebrated its eighty-sixth 
anniversary on Tuesday evening, No- 
vember 18, Hon. John A. King in the 
chair. The exercises were opened with 
prayer by the Rev. Dr. Duffie, chap- 
lain of Columbia college. The anniver- 
sary address was delivered by James C. 
Welling, LL.D., president of the Colum- 
bian university of Washington, D. C. 
His subject was " Connecticut Federal- 
ism; or, Aristocratic Politics in a Social 
Democracy." A large audience listened 
to the eloquent discourse, which was or- 
dered to be printed. 

The stated meeting for December was 
held on the evening of the 2d instant. 
The committee on fine arts reported a 
memorial minute for record on the death 
of the late Thomas Hicks. The paper 
of the evening, on " The First Voyage of 
Columbus," was read by Mr. Eugene 
Lawrence to a large and attentive audi- 
ence. On its conclusion Dr. George 
H. Moore moved a vote of thanks, with 
some remarks on the memorials of Co- 
lumbus and the use of his name in con- 
nection with the United States. Dr. De 
Costa in seconding the resolution called 
attention to the fact that a flight of 
parrots, observed from the deck of the 
Santa Maria, induced Columbus to steer 
southwest; his vessel was pointing at that 
time for the coast of North Carolina. 

The maine historical society held 
its regular quarterly meeting November 
20, 1890, which was well attended, the 
president, Hon. James P. Baxter, in the 
chair. The following papers were read: 

" Report on the Library and Cabinet," 
by H.W. Bryant. "Communication Con- 
cerning Fort Richmond on the Kenne- 
bec," by Dr. J. F. Pratt of Chelsea, with 
prefatory remarks by President Bryant. 
"A Tribute to the Memory of the Late 
William H. Smith," by Rev.Wm. B. Hay- 
den. " Some Accounts of Sir John Moore 
at Castine During the Revolution," by 
Joseph Williamson, Esq. "A Biograph- 
ical Sketch of the Late George W. Dyer, 
a Native of Calais," by Llewellyn Deane, 
was read by Mr. Williamson. "A Sketch 
of the Life of Major Samuel Denny," by 
Parker McCobb Reed, was read by Mr. 
Sargent. " A Communication from the 
Maine Genealogical Society Relative to 
the Destroyed Book of Town Record 
from 1773 to 1786," was read by George 
C. Burgess. 

Rev. Dr. Burrage called attention to the 
formation of societies of Sons of the Rev- 
olution in other parts of the country and 
stated that he had received authority 
from the general society to organize such 
society in this state of the descendants 
from any officer or soldier or sailor who 
served in the Revolution, and called up- 
on any present thus qualified, to meet im- 
mediately after adjournment; and there 
assembled from among those present nine 
members, who effected a temporary or- 
ganization by choice of Rev. Dr. Henry 
S. Burrage as chairman, and William M. 
Sargent as secretary. Intending mem- 
bers and all qualified to join are requested 
to address the secretary, and notice will 
be given of subsequent meetings. George 
C. Burgess, Esq., then read a paper on the 
"Falmouth Town Records." He re- 



ferred to the lack of valuable town history 
found in early town records, and also of 
the laxity with which in many cases they 
were kept, and the want of care in stor- 
ing them. This is particularly true of 
the early vital statistics of his own office. 
After referring to the loss of the Falmouth 
town records from May 30th, 1773, to 
July 4th, 1786, Mr. Burgess said : " The 
question which confronts us now is, Can 
any part of this gap be filled from any 
source ? Undoubtedly, if the matter had 
been taken up at the time of the loss of 
this volume, since that was fifty years 
ago, much might have been done; and it 
seems to me that at this late day, by a 
persistent effort properly directed, much 
which constituted the public action of 
the time, the names of the public officers, 
and births, marriages, and deaths, with 
other correlative matter can still be col- 
lected and preserved." 

The new york genealogical and 
biographical society held its regular 
monthly meeting on Friday evening, No- 
vember 14th, the president, Gen. James 
Grant Wilson, in the chair. After the 
business part of the meeting, President 
Wilson introduced Mr. William Nelson, 
secretary of the New Jersey Historical 
Society, who delivered an interesting 
address on Berkeley and Carteret, first 
lords proprietors of New Jersey. Mr. 
Nelson gave a sketch of the Isle of Jersey 
in the British channel, the inhabitants of 
which, though French, have always re- 
mained loyal to the descendants of Duke 
William of Normandy, who made the 
conquest of England. He dwelt upon 
the peculiar customs of the island, and 
drew somewhat of a parallel between 

them and those of the early institutions 
of New Jersey. He told of the energetic 
steps taken by Sir George Carteret to 
protect the island and hold it in the in- 
terest of King Charles I., with some ac- 
counts of the time spent on it by Charles I. 
and Charles II. when they were mere lads. 
He sketched the career of Carteret and 
of Berkeley. Mr. Nelson made a state- 
ment new to his hearers, and which has 
never been published by any work on 
American history, to the effect that 
King Charles II. conferred on Sir George 
Carteret while sojourning on the Isle of 
Jersey the province of New Jersey, which 
Carteret attempted to colonize vainly in 
the same year. All historians concur in 
giving the date of the grant of New Jer- 
sey as 1664, and as originating from the 
Duke of York ; and this statement of Mr. 
Nelson that it was granted to Carteret 
alone, fourteen years earlier, is a surprise. 

The tarrytown historical so- 
ciety held its regular meeting Novem- 
ber 1 8th, the president, Dr. R. B. 
Coutant, in the chair. The paper of 
the evening, on " The Importance of Cul- 
ture in American History," was read by 
Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. The hall was 
filled to overflowing with members of the 
society and their friends, and the essay 
was received with enthusiastic applause 
by the large and appreciative audience. 
In seconding a vote of thanks, Mr. Ray- 
mond called attention to the fact that just 
one hundred years ago, on the 18 th of 
November, General Washington, in com- 
pany with Governor Clinton and Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Van Cortlandt, spent the 
night at the old house alongside the build- 
ing where the audience were assembled. 




LIC EDUCATION. By John C. Hender- 
son. i2mo, pp. 387. New York: G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons. 1890. 

This excellent work will bear the most careful 
reading. The selections from Thomas Jeffer- 
son's correspondence and addresses have been 
made with good judgment, and are so arranged 
that his views are presented clearly on many 
points where hitherto he has not been altogether 
understood. One of his cherished ideas was that 
every state should have a university. He argued 
that " ignorance and bigotry, like other insani- 
ties, are incapable of self-government." He 
further said : ' ' Well-directed education improves 
the morals, enlarges the minds, enlightens the 
councils, instructs the industry, and advances 
the power, the prosperity, and the happiness of 
the nation." Mr. Henderson savs: "The more 
one duly reflects upon the benefits which Jeffer- 
son pointed out will be reaped by nations who 
cherish the interests of useful learning, the more 
he will be astonished at the greatness of their 
value. When nations, needing on some great 
occasion the services of men of intelligence and 
culture, are enabled to call upon citizens who 
have passed through a high school, a college, or 
a university, they have an assurance that the 
men whom they purpose to entrust with mo- 
mentous duties have at least received a certain 
amount of mental cultivation. No one can real- 
ize the indebtedness of the world to institutions 
of a high grade of learning who has not traced 
the history of inventions which without the aid 
of science could never have been made. In- 
numerable consequences, direct and indirect, 
flow from every new truth respecting the prop- 
erties of matter made known to man. The more 
one considers the extent to which the discoveries 
of science are applied to every-day life, the more 
he will be amazed at the lofty mission in which 
institutions of a high grade of learning are en- 
gaged. Every citizen in the United States en- 
joys in one way or another blessings which have 
come to him through the instrumentality of 
science." Another interesting chapter in the 
volume is entitled " Our Colored Brethren." 
We advise every one to read it. The work 
throughout is suggestive; and we wish, as does 
the author, that every good American would take 
the same praiseworthy interest in the education 
of youth as did Thomas Jefferson. 

1886-1888. Compiled by F. G. Adams, 
Secretary. Vol. IV. 8vo, pp. 819. Topeka, 
. Kansas, 1890. 

This handsome volume contains all the ad- 
dresses delivered before the Kansas Historical 
Society at its annual meetings from 1886 to 
1890. Nearly four hundred pages are devoted 
to the official correspondence pertaining to the 
office of governor of Kansas territory during the 
latter part of Governor Shannon's administra- 
tion in 1856, and of Governor Geary's adminis- 
tration from September 9, 1 856, to March 10, 
1857, including the official executive minutes 
kept by Governor Geary. These documents 
relate to a considerable portion of the most 
stirring period of Kansas territorial history. 
They have been gathered from congressional 
documents published about that period — docu- 
ments that have hitherto been hidden from the 
general public, and much of what they contain 
will be found new to students of Kansas history. 
The book has an alphabetical index of sixty 
pages, pointing to every subject and almost 
every name contained in it ; also a chronological 
index to the contents of the public documents. 
As a book of historical reference, it is one of 
great value. 

bracing the Fifth and Sixth Biennial Reports, 

ography. By Jules Breton. Translated by 
Mary J. Serrano. i6mo, pp. 350. New 
York : D. Appleton & Co. 1890. 
Perhaps the best test of a translation is to ask 
whether it reads like one. In this regard, as in 
all other essentials, the present volume sets an 
excellent example. The task must have been 
somewhat difficult, for if we may judge from 
the frankness and simplicity of his nature, 
Jules Breton, the subject of the autobiography, 
must have used many peculiar and idiomatic 
phrases in this charming narrative of his boyish 
and mature experiences. The opening chapters 
present an entirely new view of French life. 
Breton was the son of a well-to-do agent, repre- 
senting one of the old nobles of France, and 
the boy's home life is very fresh and entertain- 
ing to American readers. One who has read 
Mr. Howells's " A Boy's Town," will find pleas- 
ing contrasts in the widely different, yet strangely 
similar, traits and passages of boy-life in the 
two books. The later artistic experiences of 
the young painter and his eventual professional 
triumphs are perhaps less novel than the earlier 
chapters, but all are entertaining and of especial 
interest to those who are given to the study or 
practice of the fine arts. 



By Charles Francis Adams. 2 vols., i2mo, 
pp. 37S-436. Boston and New York : Hough- 
ton, Mifflin & Company. 1890. 

This is one of the most charming biographical 
works of the season, if not of the decade. As 
a literary production it will rank among the best 
of the age. It opens with the birth in 1815, and 
the school-days of young Dana, followed by his 
voyage to California, entrance into active life, 
and early experiences at the bar. In 1831 he en- 
tered Harvard college, and remained until weak- 
ness of the eyes compelled him to give up study 
for a time. Mr. Adams thinks his hard and 
healthy forecastle experiences were of inesti- 
mable advantage to him, for he " needed coars- 
ening if he was to deal successfully with practi- 
cal life.'' Mr. Adams further says that "his 
descent was a disadvantage to him," and that 
" in America it is not well for any young man to 
grow up under the consciousness of an ancestry, 
or encumbered by family traditions/' Dana was 
"naturally disposed to dwell on this sort of 
thing and to magnify its importance ; he de- 
veloped a premature and exaggerated punctili- 
ousness on all points of so-called 'honor,' to- 
gether with a somewhat overwhelming sense of 
responsibility to family. The sailor life took 
the nonsense out of him ; he ceased to be too 
fine for every-day use." Every page of this 
work is readable and instructive. Dana's con- 
nection with the philosophical and scientific 
movements of his day is clearly presented. 
When he first commenced the practice of law, 
he sought through his experiences and the knowl- 
edge thus acquired the clientage of sea-faring 
people. He was present in 1843 at the court- 
martial to investigate the mutiny on the brig 
Somers. He says in his journal, under date of 
January 4, 1843 : " Went with William and 
John [Watson] on board the North Carolina to 
see the court-martial. There, in the cabin at 
the head of a table, sat Commodore Stewart, the 
president of the court, and at his side, Com- 
modores Dallas and Jones. At one end of the 
table sat Commander Alexander Slidell Macken- 
zie, and at the other, Midshipman M. C. Perry 
[nephew of O. H. P.], who was testifying; and 
standing at the stove was Ogden Hoffman, 
judge advocate." Dana began keeping a jour- 
nal in 1841, and his comments on men and 
things are exceedingly interesting. He de- 
scribes the visit of Dickens, and records his 
opinions. Thackeray was in Boston in 1853, and 
Dana thus alludes to the visit under date of Jan- 
uary 5 : " Supped at Lowell's with Thackeray ; 
present, Longfellow, Felton, Clough (an Eng- 
lishman), James T. Fields, Edmund Quincy. 
We sat down a little after ten, had an excellent 
supper, and left a little before two o'clock. 
Walked home with Longfellow. Thackeray is 

not a great talker ; he was interested in all that 
was said, and put in a clever, pleasant word occa- 
sionally. Felton, Lowell, and I did nearly all 
the talking." On another occasion Dana notes 
that " Curtis [George W.] is quite clever in con- 
versation, but Tom Appleton is the prince of 
rattlers. He is quick to astonishment, and has 
humor and thought and shrewd sense behind 
a brilliant fence of light works." Three years 
later Dana was in England, and among other 
notes in his journal is an account of a dinner at 
Lord Cranworth's, where he met Macaulay. In 
this country Dana's opportunities of observation 
were exceptional, and his references to his con- 
temporaries are among the many attractions 
which the volumes possess. Mr. Adams has 
written this biography with discriminating judg- 
ment and with excellent taste. It is an admira- 
ble pen-portrait of a most interesting character. 

KA. By Francis C. Sessions. Illustrated 
by C. H. Warren. i2mo, pp. 186. New 
York, 1890. Welch, Fracker Company. 
We are transported at the very opening of 
this attractive volume to the wild beauties of 
Yellowstone Park. From the midst of four 
hundred hot springs and twenty-six geysers we 
proceed on our travels. Like the Englishman 
who was rather disappointed with America and 
its wonders, we shall, as we read, be liable to 
admit that this region is worth seeing. Our 
guide takes u*3 into the " unexplored country,"in 
the second chapter, and we reach "Lookout 
Point," where we are entranced by the view 
and by the many colors, like the colors of the 
rainbow, and in the distance projecting rocks, 
resembling old castles on the Rhine. We pro- 
ceed on our journey presently, in a new road cut 
through the pine forests for fourteen miles, just 
wide enough for one little wagon to pass, and 
when we meet one we are obliged to alight and 
cut down trees to let it turn out for us. Mr. 
Sessions says: "The mountains are not equal 
to those of Switzerland, but where in the wide 
world can any one see such geysers, hot springs, 
canons, falls, lakes, mountains, and picturesque 
scenery?" We are conducted to Seattle, Ta- 
coma, and Portland, and finally take steamer 
across Puget Sound to Port Townsend, and a 
steamer from there to Alaska. 

The author is a critical observer, and his 
bright pages are flooded with agreeable informa- 
tion about the vast domain which will doubtless 
prove, when developed, as valuable a country 
as Norway, and far superior to Russia. He 
says : " It is impossible to describe Alaska and 
its wonderful scenery. Words fail to express 
what one sees as one sails among the ten thou- 
sand islands, numerous glaciers, and great moun- 
tains, with beautiful bays, inlets, rivers, lakes, 



sounds, and the verdure of trees as they bend 
down to the water's edge, reflecting their beauty 
in the clear water." But he has nevertheless 
produced a remarkably clear, realistic, and in- 
structive picture of all this, and much more, and 
we cordially commend the delightful book to our. 



Square 8vo, pp. 435. New York, 1890. 

Harper & Brothers. 

This sumptuous volume with its many and 
fine illustrations is an admirable gift-book for 
the holidays. It abounds with instructive views 
of a great empire, which is now concentrating 
upon itself the attention of the whole civilized 
world. The first part of it is by the Vicomtc 
Eugene Melchoir de Vogue, who writes with 
great power and animation of Russia's political 
and social conditions, and with full knowledge 
apparently of his subject. He tells us that 
"the central figure, from which everything 
starts, and to which everything converges, is the 
Tsar." He describes the court, the nobility, 
and the people, His sketches of society at St. • 
Petersburg, of the manners and customs of the 
commercial class, and of the amusements of all 
parties, is extremely entertaining. Mr. Theo- 
dore Child, a traveler of wide experience and 
critical observation, writes the second part of 
the volume. Clarence Cook contributes valu- 
able material on Russian art, and Vassili Verest- 
chagin, himself a Russian, furnishes a graphic 
sketch of village life. 

Untraveled readers will be charmed with the 
chapter on " Palatial Petersburg," which com- 
prehends information extremely desirable to 
possess. " Whence once admitted to the Rus- 
sian bird-cage," writes Mr. Childs, "one may 
live on Russian territory for six months, with no 
other obligation than that of reporting himself 
to the police and having his passport stamped 
at every fresh halting place. As for communi- 
cation with the outer world, he must be content 
to trust to the good pleasure of the censorship, 
whose employes will read his letters, confiscate 
his newspapers, or deliver them after many days, 
mutilated by vengeful scissors, or at least mac- 
ulated by big patches of obliterating ink. There 
is nothing to be said or done by the ordinary 
mortal. We have become prisoners voluntarily 
on Russian territory." We are further told 
that with the exception of Rome and in Con- 
stantinople, no capital possesses so many 
imperial palaces as St. Petersburg ; but its 
palaces and its churches do not suffice to give 

an idea of the immensity of the town. The 
pictures freely introduced supplement the de- 
scription. The architectural beauties of St. 
Petersburg are displayed with lavish liberality ; 
but Mr. Childs does not admire Russian taste, 
and notices crude work and sham and make- 
believe in the palaces and public buildings. In 
the villages of Russia the houses are crowded to- 
gether, usually touching one another. Thus 
the danger from fires is very great. But Russia 
is not to be judged wholly or even chiefly by 
her towns. St. Petersburg is not Russia, but 
the vices of Paris bound in Russian leather. 
Moscow is not Russia, but an ancient Russian 
fortress turned into a modern factory. Odessa, 
Nijni-Novgorod, and Astrakhan represent com- 
mercial Russia ; Kief and Dorpat, collegiate 
Russia ; Tula and Perm, manufacturing Russia ; 
Cronstadt and Sebastopol, military Russia. And 
yet Russia proper — the actual and genuine sub- 
stance of that mighty shadow which is now 
projecting itself as far as the Bosphorus on one 
side, and the Himalaya on the other — must be 
found elsewhere. We have it in the descriptions 
of the Russian people through the length and 
breadth of that vast country. The book will 
be read from one end of the world to the other. 

Rosengarten. Second edition, revised and 
enlarged. i2mo, pp. 298. Philadelphia, 1890. 
J. B. Lippincott Company. 
We had the pleasure of reading and noticing 
the first edition of this excellent work in July, 
1886. Mr. Rosengarten takes up the story of 
German-American soldiers from early times in 
the colonies, follows them through the old 
French war, through the Indian troubles, through 
the Revolution, not omitting the services of the 
Hessians, and brings them through the war of 
1 Si 2, the Mexican war, and the late civil war 
to our own time, concluding with a long list of 
officers whose record covers all the campaigns 
in which the armies of the United States have 
been engaged. In the present edition of the 
book much additional matter appears. The 
Germans have from their first coming and set- 
tling in this country always stood ready to take 
part in its defence. No other class of our 
adopted citizens have a more honorable record. 
The theme is of great interest to all intelligent 
readers, and appeals to the patriotism of our 
best naturalized Americans. The book has been 
well and carefully written, and the demand for 
this second edition is fresh evidence of its in- 
trinsic worth. 



Vol. XXV FEBRUARY, 1891 No. 2 



THERE was hardly a foreign scientific society of any note during the 
life of the distinguished subject of our frontispiece which had not his 
name enrolled among its honorary members. Sir Roderick Impey 
Murchison's home during his later years was one of the great centres where 
science, art, literature, politics, and social eminence were brought together 
in friendly intercourse. Perhaps no man of the present century has done 
more to promote the progress of geographical science and kindle the spirit 
of adventure among those engaged in Arctic exploration on the one hand 
and of African discovery on the other. He traveled in various parts of 
the globe, and, struck with the resemblance in geological structure be- 
tween the Ural mountains and the Australian chain, he was the first to 
predict the discovery of gold in Australia. 

He had reached the age of thirty-two before he took any active inter- 
est in science, but from that time to the end of his interesting history his 
industry and enthusiasm were marvelous. It was in the year 1831 that 
he found the field in which the chief work of his life was to be accom- 
plished. It was in the borders of Wales, where his researches resulted in 
bringing into notice a remarkable series of formations, each replete with 
distinctive organic remains older than and very different from those of the 
other rocks of England. These discoveries were found to belong to a 
geological period of which there are recognizable traces in almost every 
part of the globe. He added a new chapter to geological history, one that 
contains the story of almost the earliest appearance of living things upon 
this planet. The old British tribe Silures gave the name to the Silurian 
System which he established, and which passed into the familiar vocabulary 
of geologists in every country. He projected an important geological cam- 
paign in Russia with the view of extending to that country the classifica- 
tion he had succeeded in elaborating for the older rocks of western Europe. 
He was accompanied by De Verneuil and Keyserling, in conjunction with 
whom he produced an excellent work on Russia and the Ural Mountains^ 
published in 1845. 

Vol. XXV.-No. 2.-7 


He was knighted in 1846, and during the same year presided over the. 
meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Scien.ce, at 
Southampton. He soon afterward became president of the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society, and so energetic was he in behalf of geographical explo- 
ration that to a large section of the contemporary public he was known 
rather as a geographer than as a geologist. He particularly identified 
himself with the variable fortunes of David Livingstone in Africa, and 
did much to raise and keep alive the sympathy of his fellow countrymen 
in the fate of that heroic explorer. In 1863 he was made a K. C. B. and 
three years later a baronet. 

In the last decade of his life he devoted himself to geological investiga- 
tions among the Highlands of Scotland, where he succeeded in showing 
that the vast masses of crystalline schists, previously supposed to be a part 
of what was termed the primitive formations, were really not older than 
the Sjlurian period, for underneath them lay beds of limestone and 
quartzite containing Lower Silurian fossils. By this important discovery 
he not only changed at once the accepted views of the structure of half a 
kingdom but furnished a gigantic example of regional metamorphism, the 
true significance of which in regard to theories of metamorphism is not yet 
adequately appreciated. 

He was descended from a Scottish clan which for many generations 
had lived in the west of Ross-shire. His father married one of the Mac- 
kenzies of Fairburn, and purchased the estate of Tarradale, where Rod- 
erick, their eldest son, was born in 1792. The youth's education took a 
military turn, and while yet quite young he was placed on the staff of his 
uncle, General Sir Alexander Mackenzie, and went with the army to Spain 
and Portugal. He resigned in 1816 and married the daughter of General 
Hugonin of Nursted House, Hampshire, with whom he traveled on the 
continent, spending much time in Italy, where it is said her cultivated 
tastes and artistic proclivities were of decided influence in guiding his 
intellectual pursuits. He afterward settled in England and became one of 
the greatest fox-hunters in the northern counties. But he grew weary 
of field-sports, and meeting Sir Humphry Davy was induced to attend 
lectures at the Royal Institution, where he was soon fascinated by the 
young science of geology. 

One of the closing public acts of Murchison's useful career was the 
founding of a chair of geology and mineralogy in the university of Edin- 
burgh, for which he gave the sum of six thousand pounds, an annual sum 
of two hundred pounds being likewise provided by a vote in parliament 
for the endowment of the professorship. 


The American Historical Association enters upon its sixth year under 
new and favorable auspices, and the country may be congratulated upon 
the rise and progress of an association, with special claims not simply 
upon American scholars, but upon every thoughtful American who desires 
his children to understand aright the history and principles of their coun- 
try. It seems to have sprung into existence under the guidance of our 
accomplished experts to supply a great national want, and to perfect for 
the scholars and the people of America a branch of education which to 
America, of all the countries in the world, is of supreme importance ; for 
the defects in our methods of historic study have been widely felt and 
frankly acknowledged, and this branch of our education has kept pace 
neither with the progress nor with the dangers of the republic. 

These considerations give to the American Historical Association a 
national and a practical importance which congress has wisely recognized 
by the act of incorporation authorizing the association to share the 
advantages of the Smithsonian Institute and the National Museum, and 
instructing the secretary of the Smithsonian Institute to communicate to 
congress reports of our proceedings and of the condition of historical 
study in America. Our secretary reported in October the titles of some 
two hundred historical societies in the United States, including a number 
honorably distinguished during the past century by scholarly manage- 
ment and excellent work. His report shows also the resolutions of the 
executive council, and the circular addressed by its instruction to the state 
historical societies. The letter from the secretary of the Smithsonian In- 
stitute announcing the generous privileges accorded to this association in 
regard to its collections, exchanges, and the printing and distribution of 
its reports, is definite and encouraging ; and the cordial reception of the 
association by the residents of Washington honorably represents the 
enlightened sentiment of the republic. 

The instructive papers of our association, especially those of Professor 
Herbert B. Adams, Dr. Andrew D. White, and President Charles K. 
Adams, have given us a full account of the progress of the new methods 
of historic study in Europe, with interesting particulars supplied by their 

* Inaugural address of Hon. John Jay, LLD., President of the Association, at the opening 
session of the meeting of the American Historical Association, in Washington, D. C, Decem- 
ber 29, 1890. 


own large experience. President Adams in his inaugural told us of the 
latest progress in England at Oxford and Cambridge ; of the moderate ad- 
vance in Holland, at the universities of Leyden, Groningen, and Utrecht, 
and in Belgium at Liege and Ghent, Brussels and Louvain ; of the very 
remarkable progress in Italy, from the national unification, with its im- 
mense archives, notably at Florence and Rome, and with its eminent pro- 
fessors of Florence, Turin, Naples, Venice, Palermo, Milan, Pavia, and 
Bologna. Then came a reference to the study of history in Germany, of 
which Ex-President White had given so comprehensive and instructive a 
review, and to its remarkable progress in France at Paris and Bordeaux. 
As regards America President Adams reminded us that the methods of 
work in our institutions of university grade were very different from those 
in vogue twenty-five years ago, and that several of the professors of history 
now employed have received their training in the best methods of the old 
world. He advised us of the progress at Harvard, under Professor Henry 
Adams and President Eliot ; at Yale, under Professors Fisher, Wheeler, 
George B. Adams, and Sumner on constitutional and financial law ; at 
Columbia, under Professor John W. Burgess in the school of political 
science, and to which new life will doubtless be added under the vigorous 
and judicious influence of President Low ; at the University of Michigan, 
where under Dr. White the science of history was lifted to the very sum- 
mit of promise and usefulness ; at Cornell, where the admirable work of 
Dr. White is being carried on by President Adams himself ; and lastly, at 
Johns Hopkins university, whose historic volumes tell their own story, and 
where so much work has been so excellently well done, and where forty 
graduate students in history are working with a view .to the doctor's degree. 

The harmony and helpfulness of the students of the various national- 
ities of Europe toward each other, and toward the scholars of our land, 
in furthering the introduction of the new methods of history in the col- 
leges and universities of the world, recall the words of Sir Henry Maine: 
"The only community which, as far as I can see, is absolutely undivided 
by barriers of nationality, of prejudice, of birth, and of wealth, is the com- 
munity of men of letters." 

America, we are told, is still far behind Europe in the study of history, 
and Professor Emerson of Harvard declares that " history has been taught 
very badly in America, or rather, to be honest, it has hardly been taught 
at all ; "* and we are told, too, that the time is passing, in certain lands at 
least, when historians, one after another, set themselves up to write the pane- 

* Methods of Teaching History. Edited by G. Stanley Hall. Boston : Ginn, Heath & Co. 
1883. (Page 196.) 


gyric of his favorite period or party, and " each panegyric is an apology or 
a falsehood." Professor Emerson says — and this seems to be the general 
opinion of our scholars — that the new principle " is no longer on trial in 
America ; it has come to stay." The importance of history as illustrating 
the continuing tie which amid all the changes of time connects the present 
with the past is a constant idea with thoughtful Americans. " The founda- 
tions of our Christian culture," says Dr. Eliphalet Potter, the accomplished 
president of Hobart college, " of our boasted commerce and manufactures, 
of our science and our government, are as old as history. . . . All the 
splendid superstructure of art and knowledge in the nineteenth century is 
built upon enduring foundations, laid by other races as well as by our 
heathen ancestors and Christian forefathers. The saying of Christ is the 
motto of the ages : ' Other men have labored and ye have entered into 
their labors.' "* What they did, and the reason and result of their action 
make history philosophy teaching by example. 

The American student of history cannot forget the debt due by Amer- 
ica to the world. We may hesitate to join in the boast that we are the 
latest product of the ages, Time's last and noblest offspring, the Star of 
Empire on its western way ; but the fact that our republic occupies a posi- 
tion that commands a world-wide influence and imposes upon its citizens 
proportionate responsibilities, is one that the world recognizes and which 
we cannot ignore. The historic contrast presented by the fact that while 
we were celebrating the centennial of our Constitution and rejoicing in its 
strength, the French Exposition was exhibiting fifteen national constitu- 
tions, of which fourteen had been adopted and rejected during the last 
century, was not without significance. Lafayette in his reply to Henry 
Clay's speech of welcome said that the United States reflected " on every 
part of the world the light of a far superior civilization ;"f and Ticknor 
spoke for the more enlightened Americans when he felt, on crossing the 
Pyrenees, "as if he had gone backward two centuries in time." That 
impartial and philosophic observer, Dr. Orestes A. Brownson, declared that 
"the American civilization is the highest civilization that the world has 
ever seen, and comes nearer to the realization of the catholic idea." Nor 
can we forget that an English representative so eminent as Mr. Gladstone 
has said :J " I wish to recognize the prospective and approaching right of 
America to be the great organ of the powerful English tongue." 

* Baccalaureate sermon, preached in the Packer Memorial church of the Lehigh university, 
June 16, 1889. 

f Thomas Jefferson's Views on Public Education. By John C. Henderson. New York and 
London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1890. (Page 5.) % At Paris, 8th September, 1887. 


Mr. Gladstone and the philosophic thinkers of Europe doubtless recog- 
nize the truth of a remark by William von Humboldt, that " beyond the 
sum of creative forces directly presented by events there remains a pow- 
erfully active principle which, though not directly manifest, yet lends 
impulse and direction to those forces and ideas which according to their 
nature lie beyond the finite, but still permeate and rule the world's his- 
tory in all its parts." This active force, which history alone discloses and 
which cannot be safely overlooked, Burke recognized when, as if inspired 
by the historic spirit and judging of the future by the past, in his speech 
on conciliation he described not simply the American colonists from Eng- 
land, but those from other lands, as marked by a spirit of resistance to the 
exercise of an authority which they denied. He said: 

" . . . The religion most prevalent in our northern colonies is a refine- 
ment of the principle of resistance ; it is the dissidence of dissent, and the 
protestantism of the Protestant religion. . . . The colonists left England 
when this spirit was high, and in the emigrants was highest of all ; and 
even that stream of foreigners which has been constantly flowing into these 
colonies has for the most part been composed of dissenters from the estab- 
lishments of their several countries, and has brought with them a temper 
and character far from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed."* 

Burke seems to have had in his mind something of the idea expressed 
by Bayard Taylor in his centennial ode : " In one strong race all races here 
unite," In 1643 eighteen languages were spoken in the New Netherlands, 
and historic memories may have suggested to Burke that in the army of 
Washington were representatives of races which had been the most distin- 
guished in the battle-fields of Europe — of Hollanders and Walloons who 
had in the Netherlands resisted Alva and Philip ; of Frenchmen who had 
served under Coligni and Henry of Navarre, or who had passed through 
the memorable siege of La Rochelle; of Danes who had fought for their 
country against Tilly and Wallenstein ; of the Englishmen who had 
battled at Naseby and brought the king to the block at Whitehall ; of 
those who stood with William of Orange or with the partisans of James at 
the battle of the Boyne ; of Swiss who had defended the freedom of their 
cantons against the trained soldiers of Austria ; of the burghers who had 
maintained against the Duke of Burgundy the liberties of Ghent and 
Liege ; of men who under Sobieski saved Vienna from the Turks ; of 
those who stood with the Dutch at La Hogue, or with Charles XII. of 
Sweden against his victorious rival Peter the Great of Russia. But the 

* Speech on " Conciliation with America." Works of Edmund Burke, 5th edition, vol. ii., 
p. 123. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1877. 


advice of Burke and the warnings of Chatham were unheeded, although 
they were perhaps recalled, when the army of Lord Howe, pronounced by 
Lord Chatham " the best appointed army that ever took the field," yielded 
to Washington's hasty levies; and Lord Chatham said to parliament on 
the surrender of Burgoyne: "Those men whom you called cowards, pol- 
troons, runaways, and knaves, are become victorious over your veteran 
troops, and in the midst of victory and the flush of conquest have set minis- 
ters an example of moderation and magnanimity well worthy of imitation." 

The varied nationalities represented by the American colonists give an 
exceptional breadth to our national history, so closely do they connect 
us with the nations of Europe, even in the distant past. Freeman tells us 
that the records of Athenian archives and Roman consuls are essentially 
part of the same tale as the records of the Venetian doges and English 
kings, and that the tale of Greece and the tale of Italy bring us at almost 
every page across the records of the Hebrews, the Phoenicians, and the 
Arabs. So the local histories of our early settlements carry us back to the 
shadowy past, connecting us in other ages with the beginnings of national 
life, changing with time, but carrying onward something of their original 
power. Take, for instance, the recent interesting paper of Mr. Elting in 
the Johns Hopkins studies on " Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson 
River," which shows similar laws, customs, and form of government with 
the village communities on the Rhine, some of which linger until to-day. 
These features, which thus far have been too little noticed even by the 
historians, recall the institutional relationship of our early villages on the 
Hudson with those of the ancient Germanic tribes of the Rhine countries, 
called by Cassar the Menapii, who occupied the country between the Rhine 
and the Meuse, and the Scheldt and the ocean. The Menapii, as the 
descendants of the Hollanders like to remember, " held alliance with the 
Romans, but never submitted to their yoke at all, nor permitted them to 
introduce their language, but retained in perpetual use the Teutonic 
dialect, now Dutch."* 

We are reminded that east of the Rhine and in the northern provinces 
of the Netherlands, Friesland, Groningen, and Dreuthe — " whose free 
people Rome never conquered, and whose right of self-government no 
haughty baron ever suppressed " — the industrial spirit of the Dutch and 
the spirit encouraged by the growth of towns modified the feudal system 
of Holland to a degree unknown in France or even in England. f 

* General de Peyster's Netherlands, p. 23. 

f Paper by Mr. Irving Elting, IV. Johns Hopkins Studies, quoting Brodhead's History of the 
State of New York, 1609-T644, p. 192. 


There came to the Hudson river, says Mr. Elting, Walloons from the 
Spanish Netherlands, Huguenots from France, Puritans from New Eng- 
land, and Waldenses from Piedmont whose historical antecedents extend 
beyond the Christian era — all seeking freedom and finding it in New Neth- 
erlands. Their descendants are to be found in Kingston, Esopus, and New 
Paltz, now a quiet village on the Walkill Valley railroad. This valley 
reposes near the peaks of the Catskills and the Shawangunk range, with 
its most prominent point, Sky Top, marking the location of Lake Mohonk, 
now known as a national centre of the thoughtful and practical philan- 
thropy of the republic in reference to the two races whose claims to 
enlightenment at the hands of the national government in the common- 
school system of the republic can no longer be ignored ; and here, after 
three centuries, the noblest traits of the Hollanders are recalled by the 
benign influence that from one of their earliest American homes extends 
throughout the republic. 

A like forgetfulness of the plainest lessons taught by history is con- 
stantly exhibited in our own land, and invaluable public service has 
been rendered by this association and the Johns Hopkins university in 
their historic exposition of the policy and principles of the republic as 
exhibited in congressional acts and judicial decisions. Two of their 
papers illustrate the remark of Mr. Freeman, that " law has now become 
a mainstay of history, or rather a part of history, because a knowledge 
of history is coming to be received as a part of the knowledge of the 
law ; " and the early appearance of these papers shows that the new 
methods of history recognize its relation not simply to the legislature 
but to the judiciary, as an independent and essential element of the 
country, wielding a power that can sit in judgment on the legislative 
and executive departments, the interpreter of national and state con- 
stitutions, and the final arbiter of the constitutional limits to legislation. 

One of these papers is that of Dr. Philip Schaff on " Church and State 
in the United States," in which that accomplished scholar with historic 
and judicial exactness has quoted the adjudications on this point as a 
matter " not of doctrine but of fact." His masterly exposition and array 
of authorities add conclusive weight to the thought that no nation has 
more reason than our own for tracing the relations between the past and 
the present, and to the remark of Dr. Herbert B. Adams, that national 
and international life can but develop upon the constitutional basis of self- 
government in church and state. Dr. Schaff's paper was entitled "Church 
and State in the United States, or the American Idea of Religious Liberty 
in its Practical Effect, with Official Documents." It presents in an appen- 


dix the provisions of the United States Constitution for religious liberty, 
decisions of the United States supreme court % and of the courts of Penn- 
sylvania and New York upon Christianity as a part of the common law, 
with the opinions of Judge Story, Dr. Lieber, Judge Cooley, and Mr. 

" The state of New York," Dr. Schaff reminds us, "had virtually dis- 
established the Episcopal Church in 1777, one year after the declaration 
of independence, by repealing in its constitution all statutes and acts 
which ' might be construed to establish or maintain any particular denomi- 
nation of Christians and their ministers ; ' and it ordained that ' the free 
exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without dis- 
crimination or preference shall forever hereafter be allowed within this 
state to all mankind.' ' In the leading case in New York, of The Peo- 
ple vs. Ruggles, quoted by Dr. Schaff — when Chancellor Kent delivered the 
opinion of the court, v/ith the approval of a full bench, including the emi- 
nent names of Smith Thompson, Ambrose Spencer, William Van Ness, 
and Joseph C. Yates — the court held that by the common law now in 
force here as in England, and wholly irrespective of any question of church 
establishment, contemptuous words uttered maliciously against Christ or 
the Holy Scriptures are an offence affecting the essential interests of civil 
society, where Christianity is recognized as a part of the law and the reli- 
gion of the people. 

That eminent legal authority the Hon. William Allen Butler, LL.D., 
of New York, in a recent paper on " Religion in the Schools," * states 
that eleven years after that decision an amendment was introduced in the 
New York constitutional convention with the avowed attempt of obviat- 
ing the effect of the decision in The People vs. Ruggles ; and that " after 
a debate in which Chancellor Kent, Mr. Van Buren, Rufus King, and 
other eminent jurists opposed the amendment, it was rejected by a large 
majority, and the provision as to religious liberty was left unchanged, with 
the judicial construction of it in the case of Ruggles fully recognized, and 
the same provision remains in the state constitution now in force." Mr. 
Butler further showed that the constitutional right of the people by 
their legislature to enact laws for the preservation of the public peace and 
order on Sundays was distinctly placed, in the leading case of Lindmuller 
vs. The People, " upon the ground that the Christian religion is a part of 
the law of the land, and that the Christian Sabbath is one of the institu- 
tions of that religion and may be protected from desecration by proper 
legislation." This decision, added Mr. Butler, " was approved by the 
* The New York Observer, December 4, 1890. 


court of appeals in the later case of Neundorff vs. Duryea, and in the light 
of these authorities and these judicial constructions of the Constitution, it 
must be assumed that Christianity is, and until abolished by a constitu- 
tional amendment will continue in this state to be, a part of the law of 
the land." 

The historic facts thus judicially announced, tracing back through the 
common law the religious faith of the American people, are in accord with 
the first enactment of the Puritans on board the Mayflower, commencing 
'* In the name of God, Amen," and declaring that the voyage was under- 
taken " for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith"; 
with the early laws of the Dutch and the Huguenots, the Swedes and 
other colonists, some of which are in force to-day, until the day when the 
federal Constitution was adopted according to the record of our national 
convention, not like the revolutionary constitution of France on a day 
that ignored the Christian era, but in " the year of our Lord seventeen 
hundred and eighty-seven." Dr. Schaff's clear exposition is worthy of 
study by the differing classes who, misled perhaps by the foreign idea that 
this is a godless and heathenish country, and that the state cannot with- 
out violating its constitution teach to its children the principles of moral- 
ity, have proposed to correct the alleged evil : the one class by supplying 
to the schools denominational teachings in defiance of the Constitution, 
and the other by inserting the name of God in the national Constitution. 
The prevalence and power of the religious sentiment in America thus 
recognized by the courts has not been unnoticed by the most observant 
and impartial critics of American institutions. 

Dr. Schaff also shows that the United States supreme court in Rey- 
nolds vs. The United States, in a recent case affirming the right of con- 
gress to prohibit polygamy in the territories, held that " congress cannot 
pass a law for the government of the territories which prohibits the free 
exercise of religion. The first amendment to the Constitution expressly 
prohibits such legislation." And the court quoted Mr. Thomas Jefferson's 
reply to an address from the Dunbury Baptist Association, when he said : 
" Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between 
man and his God ; that he owes account to none other for his faith or his 
worship ; that the legislative powers of the government reach actions only 
and not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the 
American people which declared that the legislature should make no law 
respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof, thus building a wall of separation between church and state." 

Another paper, by Dr. Blackmar, on federal and state aid to higher 


education in the United States, gave a complete historical sketch of 
national grants in aid of state education, which appeared soon after the 
denial of these grants had been made with such persistency and emphasis as 
to confuse the public and the press despite the able argument of Dr. White 
on " National and State Governments and Advanced Education." Dr. 
Blackmar quoted Huxley's dictum: a No system of public education is 
worth the name of national unless it creates a great educational ladder 
with one end in the gutter and the other in the university" — which recalls 
Washington's desire for a universal education and a national university; 
and he spoke of the first educational grants of the general government, in 
1787, to support schools and advance the cause of education. Of that 
ordinance which declared that " Religion, morality, and knowledge being 
necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the 
means of education shall forever be encouraged," Webster said : " I doubt 
whether one single law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced 
effects of more distinct, marked, and lasting character." Next in educa- 
tional importance to the ordinance of 1787 comes the congressional grant 
of 1862 providing for mechanical and agricultural schools, with the supple- 
mental act of March 2, 1887, with its far-reaching results, by which forty- 
six colleges and universities have benefited, thirty-three of which were 
called into existence by the act. 

In 1803 congress extended the privileges of the ordinance of 1 787 to 
the states in the Mississippi territory, granting the sixteenth of every 
township for the purposes of common-school education, and one entire 
township for the support of a seminary of learning. The distribution of 
the surplus in the national treasury in 1836 was in its aim, as far as the 
national government was concerned, financial and not educational, but in 
sixteen states it was devoted wholly or in part to educational purposes. 
Among the states that were specially benefited by national aid to educa- 
tion was Connecticut, which received about twenty-three thousand acres 
for the education of the deaf and dumb. 

A chief point of historic interest prominently noted by Dr. Blackmar 
was the effect of national aid in developing and strengthening the educa- 
tional spirit of the states, and since the results of the congressional grants 
of 1862 have begun to be seen, there has been an upward tendency of 
state education. Of the last grant Dr. Blackmar says : " Far-reaching- 
results have already been attained from this well-timed donation, . . . 
but its chief excellence consists-in the stimulation which it gave to state 
and local enterprise." This historic fact confirming the profound wisdom 
of the framers of the ordinance of 1787, and of the successive congresses 


for an hundred years, is one happily recalled to the country, although, as the 
Hon. N. H. R. Dawson, commissioner of education, said in his letter trans- 
mitting Dr. Blackmar's monograph to Secretary Vilas: " The monograph 
was written with an earnest desire to present facts and not with a view to 
prove any particular thesis." 

It may be difficult to understand how the country should have required 
this exposition of our ancient and continuous policy of national aid to state 
education on a scale without a parallel in history, and with a beneficent 
effect so marvelous as to astonish the world, but the recent discussion of 
the subject by a large part of the press showed a singular misapprehension 
on both of these prominent historic facts with which every citizen should 
be familiar. It was gravely said that a bill to grant national aid to state 
education would be a violation of the national Constitution and without 
precedent in congressional history ; that the ultimate effect of such aid 
would be " a paralysis of local effort ; " that the offer of national aid to a 
state would be an affront ; that its acceptance would be an act of humilia- 
tion, inconsistent with manly spirit and state pride ; and that national aid 
if accepted would weaken the national spirit of the states, and tend to the 
neglect of their state schools and the promotion of ignorance and mendi- 

The secretary of the interior has done much to enlighten the American 
people in regard to the history of national aid to education by the work of 
Dr. Blackmar, reminding them of the opinions of Washington, Jefferson, 
and Madison, and the framers generally of the Constitution, on the subject 
and the action for more than a century of the continental and constitu- 
tional congresses. Additional information in regard to the views of Jeffer- 
son on this subject is furnished by a separate work on his views on public 
education"" published this year by Mr. John C. Henderson. Jefferson 
believed, as shown by one of his letters to Lafayette, that " ignorance and 
bigotry, like other insanities, are incapable of self-government." In writing 
(April 28, 1 8 14) to the Chevalier de Oris, the Spanish printer of the con- 
stitution which had been adopted by the Spanish patriots, and regretting 
the union of church and state, he continued : " But there is one provision 
which will immortalize its inventors. It is that which after a certain epoch 
disfranchises every citizen who cannot read and write. . . . This 
will give you an enlightened -people and an energetic public opinion." 
To Wythe he wrote from Paris, April 13, 1786: "Preach, my dear sir, a 
crusade against ignorance. Establish and improve the law for educating 
the common people. Let our countrymen know that the people alone 

* Thomas Jefferson s Views on Public Education. By John C. Henderson. 


can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will be paid for 
this purpose is not more than the thousandth part of what will be paid to 
kings, priests, and nobles who will rise up amongst us if we leave the people 
in ignorance." 

Dr. White, with his large scholarly and diplomatic experience in the 
various countries of Europe, and his most skillful application of European 
experience to ourselves, has presented to the country a field of inquiry of 
great interest, and all true Americans will accept his proposition that "the 
demand of the nation for men trained in history, political and social sci- 
ence, and general jurisprudence can hardly be overstated." He reminded 
us that in addition to congress acting for sixty-three millions of people 
who are increasing in great part by immigration at an appalling rate, with 
some forty state legislatures, and county, town, and municipal boards 
innumerable; with executive officers and constitutional conventions and 
judges of every grade discussing political and social questions and fixing 
the grooves in which our political and social development will largely 
run ; with the grave questions of the relation of capital and labor, produc- 
tion and distribution, education, taxation, general, municipal, and inter- 
national law — pauperism, crime, insanity, and what-not policies are being 
fixed, institutions created, laws made with reference to these questions, 
policies, institutions, and laws in which lie the germs of glory and anarchy, 
of growth or revolution. 

Dr. White quotes an able and devoted foreigner, that it saddened him 
to see so many of the same lines of policy adopted in America that had 
brought misery upon Europe. " In various constituted bodies theories 
have been proposed which were long ago extinguished in blood ; plans 
solemnly considered which have led without exception, wherever tried, to 
ruin moral and financial ; systems adopted which have sometimes the 
tragedies, sometimes the farces, upon the stage of human affairs" — an 
expression that recalls the warning of Madison more than an hundred 
years ago, that popular government without popular education or the 
means of obtaining it is " but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or to 
both." After referring to the prodigious amount of waste and error 
in dealing with political and social questions, Dr. White remarked that 
abuses found in France under Louis XIV., and in England under George 
III., seem to find their counterpart in our own land, with criminal high 
schools taking large numbers of novices and graduating them masters of 
criminal arts, and this not from want of integrity but from lack of adequate 
training. He based on the same and similar facts the demand for a close 
study of the political and social history of those people who have had the 


most important experience, and especially of our own ; and he supple- 
mented his powerful argument with a startling reminder of the fearful 
price that has been paid hitherto for the simplest advances in political and 
social science when achieved by the gradual growth of the human mind. 
The entire paper of Dr. White, to some of the chief points of which I 
have ventured to allude, deserves the most careful study as an argument, 
based on acknowledged facts and enforced by the testimony of scholars, 
for the general and thorough incorporation of the improved methods of 
historic study with American education. 

There is one point on which the history, especially of England and 
America, is regarded as teaching a lesson of confidence in their basis of 
national character and national stability. In England the age of cor- 
ruption in the time of Walpole was marked, as Professor Goldwin Smith 
observes, by the still darker records of faction, misgovernment, and iniquity 
in the high places both of church and state, and in the political evils and 
fiscal burdens which have been bequeathed by those bad rulers even to 
our own times. The English historian reminds us that if corruption had 
been universal the people might never have lifted up its head again, but 
that the people received the religion which the gentry and even some of 
the clergy had rejected. The people preserved the traditions of English 
morality and English study, and repaired by their unflagging industry and 
their sturdy integrity, the waste and demoralization of the classes about 

Thus far public corruption, however flagrant, is but partial, even when 
it may sometimes seem to be almost universal. Goldwin Smith says: 
" Effort is the law, if law it is to be called, of history. History is a series 
of struggles to elevate the character of humanity in all its aspects — 
religious, intellectual, social, and political — sometimes rising in an agony 
of aspiration and exertion, and frequently followed by lassitude and re- 
lapses as great moral efforts are in the case of individual men.'* The 
revolution in England, so full of inspiring thoughts and noble deeds that 
were to fix ori a firm foundation the constitutional liberties of the empire, 
was followed by a relapse into political corruption that indicated a com- 
plete swing of the pendulum from the highest to the lowest point of 
English patriotism. Of this Macaulay said, and our own history may 
furnish examples of its truth : " Public opinion has its natural flux and 
reflux; after a violent burst there is commonly a reaction." Goldwin 
Smith further remarks : " If public life is the noblest of all callings, it is the 
vilest of all trades," and "the real current of a great nation's life may run 
calmly beneath the seething and frothy surface which alone meets our eyes." 


The question that seems to be forcibly suggested by the paper of Dr. 
White, and enforced by the teachings of our chief experts in historic 
studies, American and German, is whether the olden methods of teaching 
history now prevailing in our common schools and academies should not 
be at once improved by the general adoption of the scientific method, to 
the great advantage of American youth, whether their education is to end 
with the common school or the academy, or whether it is to be continued 
to the highest course of the university. Nothing could more tend to 
strengthen and confirm the American character of our common schools, so 
absolutely essential in fitting our youth for their duties as American citi- 
zens, and the historic training to that end will no longer be confined to 
the select few who enjoy the higher education given in our colleges and 
universities, but will be shared by the masses, " the plain people," who 
constitute the great majority, whose character and life are to raise or to 
lower the standard of our civilization, and whose votes are to elect the 
rulers and determine the destiny of the republic. 

Our common schools are intended to fit the youth of America for what 
Arnold calls " the highest earthly work — the work of government ;" and 
that work is becoming more complex and difficult with the advance of our 
civilization to the Pacific, and with the problems political and industrial, 
financial and commercial, educational and social, that in succession or in 
joint array arise and confront us. To these are added a continuing wave 
of immigration of unexpected magnitude, and representing frequently 
civilizations inferior, alien, and hostile to our own. It is true that the more 
intelligent and better part come to appreciate and cherish American insti- 
tutions, and to welcome for their children the common school that will fit 
them for American citizenship, and raise them politically and socially to a 
higher plane of civilization ; but there comes also a vast multitude who in 
their ignorance are ready to subvert our institutions, to supersede our 
national principles and rights, which they do not understand, and even in 
some cases to force into our public schools not only un-American ideas 
but a foreign tongue. 

During the last century, when there was little danger from such influ- 
ences at home, Washington, desiring for American youth an American 
character, objected to foreign education as encouraging " not only habits 
of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican 
government and to the true and generous liberation of mankind." The 
simple and sure mode of inculcating these American principles and ideas 
is the scientific study of American history. Our great authorities on 
history-teaching are agreed that rightly to understand, appreciate, and 


defend American institutions, the true plan is to know their origin and 
their history, and so to learn the true policy required for our safety ; and 
in this light history appears as the true basis of national character and of 
national wisdom, and there seems no reason to suppose that lessons in 
history may not be given in our common schools in a way to influence the 
ideas and character of our children. 

Dr. Diesterweg, who speaks with so much authority for the scholarship 
of Germany and of the world, dwells upon the importance of making 
historical ideas understood by showing their effect and developing ideal 
impulses in the pupils, and refers to the regrettable position of Germany, 
in a time not long past, when the most scholarly institutions had no 
special instructor in history, and when a place was made for history the 
pupils were burdened with a load of facts. The learned author says : 
" It is clear that the same impulse and the same dangers threaten the 
public school 'of to-day. . . . The most important subjects must be given 
with sufficient detail to make them interesting." If a question should be 
raised as to the feasibility of applying to children the improved method* 
on this point both German and American experts express no doubt. Dr. 
Diesterweg, in expressing his unwillingness to agree to any plan that 
purposes to exclude the " silent work of civilization " from an elementary 
course, quotes Benke as saying : " During the same period, from the 
eighth to the fourteenth year, the power of understanding, comprehend- 
ing, thinking, the faculty of developing general truths from special ones, 
begins to awaken and assert itself." Mr. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 
who has happily illustrated his views by his own delightful volumes, said 
in a paper entitled " Why Children Dislike History " : " The moral of all 
is that the fault is not in the child, but in us who write the books and 
teach the lessons. History is but a series of tales of human beings ; 
human beings form the theme which is of all things the most congenial 
to the child's mind. If the subject loses all its charms by our handling, 
the fault is ours and we should not blame the child." 

We are reminded that the first step in geography is to know thoroughly 
the district wherein we live, and that American local history should be 
first studied as a contribution to national history ; and President Adams 
suggested that " the development of local consciousness can perhaps be 
best stimulated through the common school," with the usual adjuncts of 
the academy and local libraries, the local press, local societies, and local clubs. 
It would seem clear from such testimony that there is no reason why 
the elementary principles of the improved methods of teaching history 
may not be wisely introduced into the education of our common schools ; 


that there, as well as in our colleges and universities, history may become, 
in President Adams's words, " an active instead of a passive process — an 
increasing joy instead of a depressing burden." 

Of the fascination which the varied European origin of our early 
colonists will have for American youth, perhaps no better example can be 
cited than the remarkable address of Dr. Richard S. Storrs in 1876 before 
the New York Historical Society, on " The Early American Spirit and the 
Genesis of it." I have before quoted this address in connection with 
American education, but I may be pardoned for a brief reference to it on 
this occasion as illustrating the point, and as an historic sketch parts of 
which might be advantageously introduced into every normal school of 
the republic, in view of the truth never to be forgotten, that for good 
education we must have good educators. Regarding histories as the 
biographies of communities, and recognizing the fact that we are in the 
presence of a commanding past, tracing the outlines of the fascinating 
history of our Revolution showing that it was the spirit behind our little 
forces that compelled the events and gave them importance in history, 
Dr. Storrs recalled the fact that the early settlers of this country were not 
of one stock but of many, and that they brought with them a power and 
a promise from the greatest age of European advancement. With a rapid 
and masterly pen he portrayed that brilliant century which saw at its 
beginning the coronation of Elizabeth and at its end the death of Crom- 
well — a century marked by extraordinary genius, amazing achievements, 
the decay of authority and the swift advance of popular power; the age 
of Raleigh, Drake, Bacon, Shakespeare, and Milton ; illumined by printing, 
and stirred with tumultuous force by the Reformation. Glancing at the 
vehement public life of Northern Europe, in England, the Netherlands, 
Germany, and Sweden, he showed that out of this century, so full of enter- 
prise and productive force, came the early settlers of America, bringing 
with them the energies of the continent, and with the push of a century 
behind them, forming in their constituent moral life one people, fearless, 
reflective, energetic, constructive, industrious, and martial ; intensely prac- 
tical, politically active, religiously free, with successful labor as their 
primary teacher. Hence came the early American spirit in whose light 
arose the republic " which interlinks our annals with those of the noblest 
time in Europe, and makes us heirs to the greatness of its history." 

Is there any good reason to believe that the American boy with his bright 
intelligence and active imagination is incapable of understanding the two 
historic ideas of the continuous and changing movement of human affairs 
and the permanence of principles ? that he cannot learn to trace the 

Vol. XXV.— No. 2.-8 


connection between Runnymede, the battle of the Boyne, Bunker Hill, 
and Yorktown ; the constitutional establishment of civil and religious 
freedom in the last century, and the constitutional emancipation in our 
own day ? As he reads of the Magna Charta extorted from King John in 
121 5, and of its confirmation in England some thirty times as was deemed 
conducive to the liberties of Englishmen ; when he recognizes that Charta 
as the basis of the Petition of Right in 1628, and of the Bill of Rights in 
1688, will he not the more appreciate the fact that it was the basis of our 
Declaration of Independence in 1776, and of the first and latest amend- 
ments to our national Constitution ? 

Already school committees have begun to provide new historic and con- 
stitutional histories, primers for children, such as Nordhoff's Politics for 
Young Americans, and of elementary works, Jevons's Primer of Political 
Economy and the Origin of New England Towns ; and what a field is 
opened for new histories for children by Professor Jameson's announcement 
that the most neglected field of American history is the field of states, 
with the suggestion that boys should be early taught " the real, homely 
facts of government," to which the local color added by the annals of the 
neighborhood would add a homelike and inspiring interest. Upon the 
integrity and efficiency of the common school depend not only the right 
conduct of our affairs social, industrial, and political, but the public opin- 
ion of the country, of which Webster said : " Moral causes come into con- 
sideration in proportion as the progress of knowledge is advanced ; and 
the public opinion of the civilized world is rapidly gaining an ascendancy 
over mere brute force, . . . and as it grows more intelligent and 
intense, it will be more and more formidable. . . . It is elastic, irre- 
pressible, and invulnerable to the weapons of ordinary warfare. . . . 
Until this be propitiated or ratified it is vain for power to talk of triumphs 
or of repose." 

But the public opinion which Webster magnified and which is to sub- 
ject the world to the empire of reason, is the opinion of an American 
people thoroughly educated in their own history and their own principles, 
a public opinion inspired by the intelligence and patriotism of the com- 
mon school, which, while preparing the way to the college and univer- 
sity, can give all that the nation has a right to demand for her voters — the 
elements of knowledge, with a true idea of the history and the principles 
of the republic, and of the rights and duties of citizens. Dr. Woodrow 
Wilson remarks in his recent work, speaking of the convictions of our 
great statesmen from Washington to our own day, " No free government 
can last in health if it lose hold of its traditions in history ; and in the 


public schools these may be and should be sedulously preserved," care- 
fully replanted in the thought and consciousness of each succeeding gene- 

The necessity of a thorough and manly training to secure prosper- 
ity and strength has been forced, by our example and by the warnings 
presented by other nations, upon all classes in Europe, the governors and 
the governed ; and Dr. Max Miiller says that " every nation at present is 
trying to improve its material by national education." In this international 
competition for supreme excellence in the common schools, our republic 
should be among the first, for the necessity of educating the American 
children, whether native or foreign-born, for their high duties as sovereign 
citizens is one that impresses more and more deeply our most far-sighted 
and earnest thinkers. 

Bishop Henry C. Potter of New York in his recent address on " The 
Scholar and the State " before the Phi Beta Kappa chapter of Harvard, 
after referring to " that eminent and gifted Englishman Professor James 
Bryce," and to De Tocqueville with his rare foresight, touched upon the 
great possibilities of a government so nobly conceived and so finely gov- 
erned as our own, and upon the fact, noted by De Tocqueville, that the 
excellence and delicacy of a vast civil mechanism only the more demands 
intelligent, prudent, and reverent handling, and that " no form or combi- 
nation of social polity has yet been devised to make an. energetic people 
out of a community of pusillanimous and enfeebled citizens." 

An historic view of the difference in the effect upon the strength of a 
people of a system of education in which the weight of authority is placed 
on the side of restraining, and a system that develops personal independ- 
ent action, was presented by the late venerable Father Hecker of New 
York, the founder of the Paulists, in his last instructive work, The Church 
and the Age. After alluding to the teachings adopted by the society 
founded by St. Ignatius of Loyola, and to the remark, " Men whose wills 
never conflict with the authority of the Church perinde cadaver, the dis- 
tinguishing traits of a perfect Jesuit form the antithesis of a thorough 
Protestant," * Father Hecker said, " The weight of authority was placed 
on the side of restraining rather than of developing personal independent 
action. . . . The defense of the church and the salvation of the soul 
were ordinarily secured at the expense necessarily of those virtues which 
go to make up the strength of Christian manhood. In the principles above 
briefly stated may be found the explanation why fifty millions of Protest- 

* The Church and the Age. An Exposition of the Catholic Church in view of the Needs and 
Aspirations of the Present Age. New York : Office of the Catholic World. 1887. (P. 137.) 


ants have had generally a controlling influence for a long period over two 
hundred millions of Catholics, in directing the movements and destinies of 

The lesson taught by the impressive warning of Father Hecker in 
regard to the education on which depends the strength and controlling 
influence of nations, as he points the American people to the statistics of 
history, confirms the views of the fathers of the republic and of our 
wisest statesmen throughout a century as presented by Dr. Blackmar to 
aid the states in making their school education universal and complete. 
" The first duty of government," says the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, our late 
minister to Spain, and again the chief manager of the Peabody fund, " is 
to develop and use to the maximum degree the brain power of the coun- 
try. In the use or non-use of this intellectual power lies the difference 
betwixt nations and epochs." " The end for which the schools are estab- 
lished," says Hon. Andrew S. Draper, the able superintendent of public 
instruction in New York state, " is the safety of the state. . . . The 
schools are maintained at general expense to perpetuate the Constitution 
and to make citizenship safe and secure ; " and President Harrison aptly 
asked in a speech at Galesburg, " How shall one be a safe citizen who is 
not intelligent ? " 

The national interest in education and the importance of a national 
system and a national standard of excellence are topics which abroad are 
being carefully studied, and Dr. Max Muller remarks : " The great prin- 
ciple . . . that the school belongs to the state, and that the state 
is responsible for its efficiency as it is responsible for the efficiency of the 
army, the navy, nay, even of the post-office. It is criminal to sell poison. 
Would it be carrying the same principle too far if parliament insisted that 
no one should open a private school unless the government was satisfied of 
the wholesomeness of the moral and intellectual food sold in these schools 
to helpless children ? Paternal government I know has not a good sound 
to English ears, but if anybody has a right to a paternal government 
surely it is those little ones who should not perish." 

Our association has an opportunity greater perhaps than ever before 
enjoyed by any similar institution of impressing upon the American 
people the profound importance of their own history, and of the example 
and counsels of the fathers of the republic in reference to the education 
of the people. The work so well begun indicates the vastness of the 
field to be explored and the gravity of the tasks yet to be accomplished. 
Dr. Blackmar's treatise on national aid to state* education is still to be 
supplemented by the history of national aid to state education in the public 


school — aid that in land alone has exceeded the area of Great Britain and 
Ireland, securing an American education to the children of the western 
states to whom is rapidly passing the controlling power of the republic. 
The horizon of historic inquiry, as Professor Herbert B. Adams has said, 
should be enlarged " until the whole field of secondary and school education 
is embraced in the retrospect ; " and he reminded us of the truth, which 
recalls also the inexorable responsibility of educated Americans, that " the 
broadening plains are best seen from the hill-tops." Then came the sug- 
gestion to which our countrymen will respond, and especially the accom- 
plished educationalists of the republic, who have a right to speak with 
the power that belongs to knowledge and position, that with a secretary 
of agriculture holding a place in the cabinet, the Bureau of Instruction 
should become a ministry of public instruction, stimulating and strength- 
ening the colleges and universities as well as the school, system of the 
whole country. Then, too, comes the ardent wish of Washington, em- 
bodied in his last will and testament but still unfilled, of a national uni- 
versity. It is a thought to which the establishment at the capital of a 
foreign university with a chair devoted to the canon law, a system in an- 
tagonism with the Constitution and the common law on which the entire 
fabric of the republic rests, gives a new and profound significance. 

On all these questions the lessons of history, American and European, 
throw a world of light, and especially on the point that every teacher in the 
common school should be well grounded in American history. Whatever 
the extent, the wealth, or the material power of our country, it will depend 
chiefly upon the state common school and its American training whether 
she is to retain her manly, independent American character, the chief ele- 
ment of her strength, the only sure guarantee of her continued greatness. 
Many of our countrymen have indulged the hope if not the belief that our 
republic was destined at no distant time to rule the world more widely 
than Rome in her proudest days, not by reason of her continental power, 
but by her example and far-extending influence, non ratione imperii, sed 
imperio rationis. 

If that dream be destined to fulfillment, do not the counsels of our wise 
citizens, from Washington and Jefferson to our martyr Presidents Lincoln 
and Garfield, assure us that it will be due to the force of the American 
idea, taught to the youth of the republic by the inspiring lessons of 
American history? 


i 763- i 764 

The tide of immigration which within a few years has set in so 
strongly from the maritime provinces to eastern New England gives 
fresh interest to the early emigration which took place upon a limited 
scale from some of the Massachusetts towns to New Brunswick, then 
called Nova Scotia, about 1763 and 1764, 

It appears that in 1761 Governor Bernard of Massachusetts sent 
Israel Perley of Boxford to explore the country bordering on the St. John 
river. On his return his account of the natural advantages of the region, 
its fertility, its abundance of game and fish, and its valuable timber, added 
to the knowledge which many had no doubt gained of the territory during 
their service in the French war, resulted' in awakening an enthusiasm for 
emigration similar to that which half a century later turned the steps of 
so many New Englanders to the Ohio, the valley of the Mississippi, and 
the Holland purchase. 

The first migration from Essex county, Massachusetts, took place in 
1763 ; this was followed by another the next spring. A tract of land in 
Sunbury county, twelve miles square, known as the " Mangerville grant," 
was settled by these New Englanders and soon brought under cultivation. 
The families included in the settlement were chiefly from Byfield, Ipswich, 
Rowley, Boxford, and Marblehead. The names of Perley, Peabody, 
Barker, Estey, Burpee, Palmer, and Stickney are common among them. 
No doubt a search among church, town, and family records would bring 
to light much interesting information respecting these people and their 
descendants. A church appears to have been founded at an early date, as 
in May, 1764, the First church in Rowley dismissed Richard Eastick 
[Estey] and Ruth his wife, Jonathan Smith and Hannah his wife, " to 
form upon or near St. John's river, Nova Scotia."* 

These emigrants were of a vigorous and enterprising race; they 
belonged to the hardy pioneers who a century before had subdued the 
forests of New England, founded its fisheries and its West India com- 
merce, and fought its Indian wars. It is recorded of one of them, Daniel 
Palmer, who was born in Rowley in 1712, and married in 1736 Elizabeth 

* Essex Institute Hist. Coll., 14: 152. 


Wheeler of Chebacco [Essex], that before he emigrated, on one occasion 
he entered a house in Old Town, Newbury, in which three hostile Indians 
had hidden, and opening a second-story window " one by one threw them 
out, regardless of life or limb, as though they were so many straws." 

Although the new country proved a good one on the whole for farm- 
ing, it was not without its drawbacks, one of the greatest of which was 
the frequent recurrence of floods which often covered the lands along the 
river. Fences were floated off and roads submerged and swept away. 
The settlers sometimes caught herring in the spring, where in the autumn 
they harvested potatoes. One year there was an unusually high freshet, 
and Daniel Palmer was surprised by seeing a cake of, ice float through his 
log house from door to door, carrying off the " boiled dinner" which was 
in the pot, but which was happily rescued after a voyage in the neighbor- 
ing field. 

The bold and independent character of these Essex county emigrants 
showed itself a few years later in their outspoken loyalty to the American 
cause. A manifesto adopted May 21, 1776, is really of the nature of a 
declaration of independence, and antedates by more than a month that 
world-famed document. It may well be said that the action of these set- 
tlers on the St. John, considering their remoteness and isolation from their 
compatriots in New England, and the near neighborhood of English forti- 
fied towns, was wonderfully bold, and worthy of record by the side of the 
most daring deeds of those historic times. 

Information in regard to this early emigration which was so soon 
arrested by the Revolutionary war, and succeeded in a few years by a 
western flow of the tide, is very meagre. Something may be learned 
respecting it from Hathaway's History of New Brunswick, and there are 
doubtless descendants of the hardy pioneers who could supply from tradi- 
tion or records valuable facts in connection with this interesting and not 
generally known chapter of our colonial history. 

& .5*. &5 

Manchester-by-the-Sea, Massachusetts. 


By whom carriages were first invented it is difficult to determine. 
They were in Egypt in the time of the Pharaohs, of which many evidences 
exist. When Joseph was advanced to the second place in the kingdom 
Pharaoh " made him ride in the second chariot which he had." Soon after 


this we learn that Joseph sent wagons by command of the king to bring 
Jacob and his family into Egypt. Then again, when the funeral procession 
for Jacob went up out of the land of Egypt, the Bible tells us that " there 
went up with Joseph both chariots and horsemen." At the time of the 
Exodus, 1491 B. c, Pharaoh is said to have had six hundred war-chariots, 
which according to tradition were invented and first brought into use by 
Erichthonius of Athens, ninety-five years earlier, 1586 B. C. 

These war-chariots were curiously constructed, with cases at the sides 



for the bow and sheaf of arrows, and also for the spears and lances,. An 
archer usually stood on either side of the charioteer hurling his spears at 
the enemy. For upward of one hundred and fifty years after the Exodus 
the kings of Canaan and Moab used war-chariots with iron or bronze 
scythes attached to the axles, which driven into the ranks of the foe 
were terribly destructive. In the time of David and Solomon the Israelites 
accumulated them in large numbers. Solomon is said to have had fourteen 
hundred, which with the horses that drew them were mostly imported 
from Egypt. The cloth for the chariots and the trappings for the horses 
were richly embroidered, and during a long period were produced from 


the manufactories in Tyre. The Assyrian war-chariot was a two-wheeled, 
box-shaped vehicle, open in the rear, and was generally drawn by three 
horses abreast. The Persians later on drove four and often six horses. 
The march of civilization is forcibly illustrated by the contrast between 
the famous chariots of the ancient Egyptians and their neighbors, and the 
carriage of the viceroy of Egypt, built in Paris in 1867 at a cost of fifteen 
thousand dollars, as presented in the pictures. 

The Romans began to construct carriages in great variety of forms and 
ornamentation after the Christian era ; gold and precious stones were often 
used for decorations. Some of these vehicles had two wheels, others four; 
but the streets being narrow and crowded, driving was anything but a 




pastime. One historian 
tells us that Nero took on 
his travels no less than 
a thousand carriages, to 
some of which four horses 
were yoked abreast, while 
others were drawn by six 
horses elegantly capari- 
soned. The Appian Way, the most celebrated of the ancient Roman roads, 
was built in a very expensive manner, 313 B.C. To render it smooth, large 
blocks of the hardest stone, accurately fitted to each other, were solidified 
with a peculiar cement. Chariot races were quickly in vogue, and the 
nobles of Greece and Rome drove at full speed over this magnificent high- 
way, their chariots trimmed and cushioned in the most luxurious style. 
During the period of the later Roman empire and the decline of its 
power, carriages multiplied; but their use was confined to rulers and 
wealthy noblemen and was an evidence of great dignity and exalted sta- 
tion. We read in the eighth chapter of Acts of the treasurer of Candace, 
queen of the Ethiopians, "who had come to Jerusalem for to worship," 
meeting Philip and going down into the water to be baptized. 

In 1280, according to the records, Charles of Anjou and his queen 
entered Naples in a small but wonderfully decorated chariot. When the 
world was waking from the long sleep of the middle ages, and began to 
reproduce the books of the ancients through the newly discovered method 




of printing, the use of carriages, long practically discontinued, was revived 
and became more general among the wealthy classes than in the early 
centuries. The style was somewhat improved, with a canopy sustained by 
four pillars, which subsequently gave place to a close drapery concealing 
the occupant from view. In 1474 the Emperor Frederic III. attended the 
council, or diet, at Frankfort in a closely draped carriage, and again the 
following year " in a magnificent covered carriage." In 1509 we read of a 
tournament in Rappin, where the Electress of Bradenburg's carriage "was 
completely covered with gold," 
and those of the other duchesses 
were ornamented with crimson and 
purple curtains and draperies of the 
richest satin. For several decades 
about this time the use of carriages 
was confined to ladies of the first 
rank, and it was accounted a re- 
proach for men to ride in them; .. CHARE „ OF THE SEVENTEENTH century. 
the latter must always be mounted 

on fine horses. In 1550 it is said 
there were only three coaches in 
Paris. Henry IV. of France, who 
in 1598 published the edict of 
Nantes and restored toleration, 
was in 1610 assassinated in his car- 
riage, which was a low, heavy, and 
broad-wheeled vehicle, as shown in 
the illustration, the wretched roads 
rendering a light carriage useless. 
Meanwhile the feudal lords in 
continental Europe had supplied themselves with handsome private car- 
riages, and there was great rivalry in the attempt to outshine one another. 
In 161 1, when Cardinal Dietridstein made his entrance into Vienna, forty 
carriages went out to meet him. In the same year the consort of the 
Emperor Matthias made her public entrance, on her marriage, in a carriage 
covered with perfumed leather. Later in the century the wedding car- 
riage of the first wife of the German emperor Leopold, who was a Spanish 
princess, cost, together with the harness, thirty-eight thousand florins. 

Wheeled vehicles were used to some extent in England during the 
middle ages. Chaucer describes a " chare " in one of his poems. Richard 
II. of England — 1 377-1 399 — was obliged in 1399 to fly before his rebel- 


I2 4 



\From. an old print. ~\ 

lious subjects; he and his followers were on horseback, while his mother 
was alone in a carriage. The reign of Richard II. is a remarkable period 
in the constitutional history of England, and still more so in literature 
and religion, for it was the time of Wycliffe, Chaucer, and Gower, whom 
Richard patronized, and the modern English language is usually dated 
from his reign. The oldest English vehicles were known as chares, char- 
iots, coaches, and whirlicotes; these latter being two-wheeled, without 
straps or springs, to which the horses were attached by ropes. All these, 
however, became unfashionable in the time of Anne of Bohemia, daughter 
of Emperor Charles IV., and wife of Richard II., who taught the ladies 
how gracefully she could ride on the side saddle. She died in 1394. 

It was not until the time of Queen Elizabeth, about 1558, that the 
state coach was introduced into use in England. One Walter Ripon, a 
Dutchman, built one for her majesty, and she made him her coachman. 
The same carriage-maker also built a carriage of different pattern for 
Queen Elizabeth when she should be attended by her maids, as shown in 
the illustration, copied from an old print. The English nobility were 
speedily supplied with private carriages, and as Buckingham says, " within 
twentie years there became a great trade of coach-making." In 1601 the 
use of coaches had become so prevalent that a bill was introduced into 
parliament for their suppression ; in other words, " to restrain the excessive 
use of coaching," which singular bill, however, was rejected on second read- 
ing. The use of wheeled vehicles, took away the business of the Thames 
watermen, and Taylor, the poet and waterman, complained bitterly both 
in prose and verse against the new-fangled practice : 

" Carroaches, coaches, jades, and Flanders mares 
Doe rob us of our shares, our wares, our fares, 
Against the ground we stand and knock our heels, 
Whilst all our profit runs away on wheels." 



Coaches, however, continued in favor, and became so common that in 
the early part of the century following there were more than six thousand 
in London and the surrounding country. 

But these grand and costly equipages were of no practical use to the 
common people, whose mode of traveling was crude, slow, and inconven- 
ient. Wagons clumsily made for moving goods from one great town to 
another — broad-wheeled, with a quaint hooped top and movable covering, 
drawn by six, eight, or twelve great Normandy horses, as the case required — 
were utilized for carrying passengers by partitioning off space in the rear 
end and covering the floor with straw for the people to sit upon. This 
was called riding " in the tail of the wagon." The facilities for the accom- 


[From an old print.'] 

modation of travelers who did not own horses or carriages were then so 
meagre, confined to a few hackney coaches, post-chaises, and lumbering 
stage-coaches, until past the middle of the eighteenth century, that the 
middle classes as well as the poorer people patronized the grotesque mov- 
ing-wagons, and were often seen huddled together on the straw for three 
or four days at a time. The driver ordinarily rode on a pony alongside the 
vehicle, carrying a long whip which he was industrious in applying to his 

All carriages, private as well as public, were absolutely springless until 
about 1750, and the leather thorough-braces which preceded steel springs 
did not come into use until near the end of that century. The private 
carriages introduced into the American colonies were about the same as 
those used in England, and prior to the Revolution not exceedingly 



numerous. They belonged to 
wealthy and aristocratic fami- 
lies, and were heavy lumbering 
affairs, drawn by six large 
horses. In New York and 
Virginia, and in some of the 
other colonies, specimens of 
these have been handed down 
to us which are well worth 
preserving. Washington's his- 
toric carriage has been viewed 
with interest by thousands of 
the present generation, and the old Beekman carriage which figured in 
New York at an early period is shown in the illustration. The moving- 
wagons in America, drawn sometimes by horses and sometimes by four or 
six yokes of oxen, are similar to those of old England. They were built 
before the times of railroads to transport goods and families to the West, 
and are still used in wilderness regions where public conveyances have not 
yet penetrated. A chapter might be written on the old stage-coaches of 
early America and on the modern carriage, but neither comes within the 
scope of this paper and must be reserved for a future study. 





The English race has had three homes. Old England was to be found 
amid the primitive forests of Germany ; Middle England is Britain ; 
New England is America. We revere the region which nourished our 
ancestors during the childhood of the race and developed in them the 
qualities of bravery, purity, and patriotism. No spot in Britain, remarks 

£F Walter Ralegh.. 

an English historian, can be so sacred to Englishmen as that which first 
felt the tread of English feet ; and to Americans no spot should be so 
sacred as Roanoke Island in Dare county, North Carolina, within sight 
and sound of the stormy Atlantic, where the first English settlement in 
the new world was made. Here landed in 1585 the first forerunners of 

* Evidence from tradition and history in regard to the colony of 1587. 




the English-speaking millions now in America; here was turned the first 
spade of earth to receive English seed ; here the first English house was 
built; and here on the 18th of August, 1587, Virginia Dare, the first of 
Anglo-Americans, was born. 

In the spring of 1584, under a patent from the queen, Sir Walter 
Raleigh sent out two ships to make discoveries. They reached the coast 
of North Carolina in July, made some explorations, and returned with two 
natives and flattering reports to England. In April, 1585, a fleet of seven 
vessels under the command of Sir Richard Grenville sailed for America. 
A settlement was made on Roanoke Island and Ralph Lane was placed 
in command. The colonists explored almost the whole coast of the state. 
They traversed the whole length of Pamlico and Albemarle sounds. 
They explored the Chowan and Roanoke rivers and penetrated Virginia 
nearly as far as the site of Norfolk. In June, 1586, because of trouble 
with the Indians, shortness of provisions, and the gloomy prospect of 
affairs in Europe, the whole colony returned to England with the fleet of 
Sir Francis Drake. Thus ended the first English settlement in America. 

In 1587 Raleigh sent out a second colony under the command of John 
White. The settlement was fixed on the site occupied by the first colony 
and White returned to England at once for further supplies. He did not 
then revisit the colony, nor was the effort to reach it in 1588 successful. 
The war for religious liberty was now coming on ; Protestant England 
was struggling against Catholic Spain, and all the valor of Raleigh, Gren- 
ville, and Lane was needed by their royal mistress to meet the Invincible 

The colony was forgotten for the time, but in February, 1590(159.1), 
through the influence of Raleigh, White secured the release of three 
merchantmen bound for the West Indies, then detained by an embargo, 
on condition that they bear supplies and passengers to Virginia. These 
conditions were not fulfilled. White went out alone, unaccompanied by 
even a servant. The vessels sailed March 20, 1 591, but the seamen 
thought more of plundering than planting. They cruised for some 
months in the Spanish main, took a number of rich prizes, and reached 
Virginia in August. Here they encountered heavy gales and lost seven of 
their best seamen in trying to reach Roanoke. At last a boat was anchored 
off the fort. They sounded a trumpet call and many familiar English 
tunes, but received no answer. At daybreak they landed ; as they stepped 
upon the sandy beach they saw carved in the very brow of a tree the " fair 
Roman letters C. R. O." They advanced to the fort. The houses had 
been taken down, and the place had been inclosed with a palisado of 

Vol. XXV.— No. z.-q 


great trees. They saw many bars of iron, two pigs of lead, iron fowlers, 
iron-locker shot, and similar heavy things scattered here and there and 
overgrown with grass. They found where some chests had been buried 
and then dug up again, their contents spoiled and scattered. White saw 
some of his own chests broken open, his books torn from their covers, his 
pictures and maps rotten from the rain, and his armor almost eaten through 
with rust. One of the principal posts at the right side of the entrance to the 
fort had the bark taken off, and five feet above the ground, in " fair capital 
letters, was graven CROATOAN." No other memorials remained. The 
colonists had vanished. White returned to the ships, bidding a sad fare- 
well to his colony, to his daughter, and his grandchild. The captain agreed 
to carry him to Croatan, but after delays he plead shortness of supplies 
and sailed to the West Indies. The colony left on Roanoke Island in 
1587 was seen no more by Europeans. 

Such was the unfortunate end of the efforts of Sir Walter Raleigh to 
found a new empire in the western world. His patent had cost him 
^40,000 and had not paid him a shilling. His fairest hopes ended in sad- 
ness and disappointment ; but his failure even gained him immortality, and 
to-day the capital city of the fair commonwealth that is proud to have 
been the scene of his labors bears the honored name of Raleigh. 

It is now believed that the colonists of 1587 removed to Croatan soon 
after the return of Governor White to England, that they intermarried 
with the Croatan or Hatteras Indians, that their wanderings westward 
can be definitely traced, and that their descendants can be identified 
to-day. There can be no doubt that the colonists removed to Croatan ; 
when White left them they were already preparing to remove from Roa- 
noke. He agreed with them that they should carve in some conspicuous 
place the name of the section to which they went, and if they went in dis- 
tress a sign of the cross was to be carved above. The name Croatan was 
found, but there was no sign of distress. The colonists must have gone 
on the invitation of Manteo and his friends, and the fact that their chests 
and other heavy articles were buried, indicates that it was their intention 
to revisit the island of Roanoke at some future time. Where was Croa- 
tan ? Croatan', or more properly Croatoan, is an Indian word, and was 
applied by the Hatteras Indians to the place of their residence. Here 
Manteo, who had been carried to England by the first explorers in 1584, 
and who always remained the firm friend of the English, was born, and 
here his relatives were living when he first met the English ; the latter 
soon began to apply the name to the Indians themselves. The island of 
Roanoke was not at that time regularly inhabited, but was used as a hunt- 


ing ground by the tribe to which Manteo belonged, and also by their 
enemies who lived on the main and were the subjects of Wingina. The 
name Croatan first appears in the account of Grenville's voyage of 1585. 
It is there made an island ; Lane says that it was an island, and White 
also bears witness to this ; for he says, when describing his discovery of 
the deserted and dismantled fort: " I greatly joyed that I had found a 
certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where 
Manteo was born and the savages of the island our friends." From these 
facts it is perfectly clear that the adventurers believed Croatan to be an 
island. The map of 1666 is the first to use the name. This and the Nurem- 
burg map make it a part of the banks lying between Cape Hatteras and 
Cape Lookout, perhaps what is now known as Core Banks, and con- 
sequently an island ; but later maps have located Croatan on the main- 
land, just opposite Roanoke island, in the present counties of Dare, 
Tyrrell, and Hyde. It is marked thus on Ogilby's map, published by the 
Lords Proprietors in 167 1, and on Lawson's map, published in 1709, while 
the sound between this section and Roanoke island still bears the name of 
Croatan. On the Nuremburg map and on the map of 1666 this penin- 
sula is called Dasamonguepeuk. Now we know that in 1587 Manteo was 
baptized as lord of Roanoke and Dasamonguepeuk. This title clearly 
indicates that the Hatteras tribe, to which Manteo belonged, laid claims 
to the peninsula. They doubtless made use of it for the cultivation of 
corn, as well as for hunting and fishing, while their principal seat was some 
eighty miles to the south on the island of Croatan. The English colo- 
nists have left us unimpeachable testimony that they removed from Roa- 
noke island to Croatan. The Croatan of the early explorers and maps 
was a long, narrow, storm-beaten sand-bank, incapable in itself of support- 
ing savage life, much less the lives of men and women living in the agri- 
cultural stage. It is not reasonable to suppose that the colonists would 
have gone from a fertile soil to a sterile one. It is probable then, that, in 
accordance with an understanding between themselves, the Hatteras In- 
dians having abandoned their residence on Croatan island, and the Eng- 
lish colonists having given up their settlements on Roanoke island, both 
settled on the fertile peninsula of Dasamonguepeuk, which the Hatteras 
tribe had already claimed and partly occupied, but which they had not 
been able to defend against enemies. The name of their former place of 
residence followed the tribe, was applied to their new home, and thus got 
into the later maps. If this theory is accepted, it is easy to see how the 
Hatteras tribe may have come into communication with kindred tribes on 
the Chowan and Roanoke rivers, to which they seem to have gone at a later 


period. This is one end of the chain of evidence in this history of 

The other end of the chain is to be found in a tribe of Indians now 
living in Robeson county and the adjacent sections of North Carolina, and 
recognized officially by the state in 1885 as Croatan Indians. These In- 
dians are believed to be the lineal descendants of the colonists left by John 
White on Roanoke island in 1587. The migrations of the Croatan tribe 
from former homes farther to the east can be traced. It is pretty clear 
that the tribe removed to their present home from former settlements on 
Black river, in Sampson county. The time of their removal is uncertain, 
but all traditions point to a time anterior to the Tuscarora war in 171 1, 
and it is probable that they were fixed in their present homes as early as 
1650."* During the eighteenth century they occupied the country as far 
west as the Pee Dee, but their principal seats were on Lumber river, in 
Robeson county, and extended along it for twenty miles. They held 
their lands in common, and titles became known only on the approach of 
white men. The first known grant made to any member of this tribe is 
located on the Lowrie swamp east of Lumber river, and was made by 
George II. in 1732 to Henry Berry and James Lowrie. f Another grant 
was made to James Lowrie in 1738. Traditions point to still older deeds 
that are not known to now exist. The tribe has never ceased to be migra- 
tory in their disposition. When the main body had settled in Robe- 
son, for many years after scattered detachments would join them from 
their old homes further to the east, while other parts would remove further 
toward the west. They are now to be found all over western North Car- 
olina. After the coming of the white people a part of the tribe removed 
to the region of the Great Lakes, and their descendants are still living in 
Canada, west of Lake Ontario. At a later period another company went 
to the northwest and became incorporated with a tribe near Lake Michi- 
gan ; within the present year (1890) a party has removed to Kansas. 

The Croatans fought under Colonel Barnwell against the Tuscaroras 
in 171 1, and the tribe of to-day speak with pride of the stand taken by 
their ancestors under " Bonnul " for the cause of the whites.:}: In this war 

* McMillan : Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony (p. 20). 

f Ibid. p. 14. The deeds for these grants are still extant and are in the possession of Hon. 
D. P. McEachin of Robeson county, North Carolina. 

% The traditions of the tribe that they fought in the Tuscarora war are verified by the Colonial 
Records of North Carolina. In Vol. II., p. 129, we find an entry : "Whereas, report has been 
made to this board that the Hatteress Indyans have lately made their escape from the enemy In- 
dyans," i. e., Tuscaroras. Again, on p. 17 r, we find : " Upon petition of the Hatterass Indyans 
praying some small relief from the country for their services," etc. 


they took some of the Matamuskeet Indians prisoners and made them 
slaves. Many of the Croatans were in the continental army ; in the war 
of 1812 a company was mustered into the army of the United States, and 
members of the tribe received pensions for their services within the mem- 
ory of the present generation ; they also fought in the armies of the Con- 
federate States. Politically they have had little chance for development. 
From 1783 to 1835 they had the right to vote, performed military duties, 
encouraged schools, and built churches ; but by the constituent convention 
of 1835 the franchise was denied to all " free persons of color," and to effect 
a political purpose it was contended that the Croatans came under this 
category. The convention of 1868 removed this ban, but as they had 
long been classed as mulattoes they were obliged to patronize the negro 
schools. This they refused to do as a rule, preferring that their children 
should grow up in ignorance, for they hold the negro in utmost contempt. 

Finally, in 1885, through the efforts of Mr. Hamilton McMillan, who 
has lived near them and knows their history, justice long delayed was 
granted them by the general assembly of North Carolina. They were 
officially recognized as Croatan Indians; separate schools were provided 
for them and intermarriage with negroes was forbidden.* 

Their population in Robeson county of school age — from six to twenty- 
one years — is about eleven hundred. Their whole population in this 
county is about twenty-five hundred, and their connections in other 
counties will perhaps swell this number to five thousand. The state 
has provided them a normal school for the training of teachers, and 
this action will go very far toward their mental and moral elevation. 
Their school-houses have been built entirely by private means ; they are 
all frame buildings and are provided far better than those for the negro 
race. They are Methodists and Baptists in religion, and own sixteen 
churches. They are almost universally land-owners, occupying about sixty 
thousand acres in Robeson county. They are industrious and frugal, and 
anxious to improve their condition. They are found of all colors from 
black to white, and in some cases cannot be distinguished from white 
people. They have the prominent cheek-bones, the steel-gray eyes, the 
straight black hair of the Indian. Their women are frequently beautiful ; 

* It has been suggested that the name " Croatan " was invented to strengthen the theory of their 
origin as here presented, but this is not the case. As we have seen, Croatan was the name of a 
locality and not of a tribe. The tribal name was Hattoras or Hatorask, or, as we now spell it, 
Hatteras. Lawson calls the Indians by this name. Dr. Hawks remarks' on the error of the 
explorers in calling them Croatans ; and when the act of the North Carolina assembly recognizing 
them as Croatans was read to them, an intelligent Indian remarked that he had always heard that 
they were called Hatteres Indians. (McMillan, p. 20.) 


their movements are graceful ; their dresses becoming ; their figures su- 
perb, and as voluptuous as houris. Naturally they are quick-witted and 
are capable of great expansion. One of their number has already reached 
the senate of the United States, for Hon. Hiram R. Revels, who was born 
in Fayetteville, North Carolina, in 1822, and who was senator from Mis- 
sissippi in 1870-71, is not a negro, but a Croatan Indian. 

This is the other end of the chain. To connect the two parts and 
show that the Croatan Indians of to-day are the descendants of the Hat- 
teras Indians of 1587 and of the English colony left on Roanoke island by 
John White in that year, we must examine, first, the evidence of historians 
and explorers on the subject ; and second, the traditions, character and 
disposition, language and family names of the Croatan Indians themselves. 
We hear no more of the colonists left on Roanoke island from the time 
of the departure of White in 1591 until the settlement at Jamestown. 
There are several passages in Smith's True Relation, which, when viewed 
in the light of other evidence, tend to show that the colonists had not 
entirely disappeared. Opechancanough, one of the Indian kings, informed 
Captain Smith " of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, 
cloathed like me" (Arber's ed., 17). "The people cloathed at Ocam- 
ahowan, he also confirmed " (p. 20). Again : " We had agreed with the 
king of Paspahegh, to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke, 
beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be apparelled " (p. 23). 

These vague rumors were confirmed by Strachey in his History of 
Travaile into Virginia Britannia, published by the Hakluyt Society in 
1849. Strachey says: " At Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen . . . the 
people have houses built with stone walls, and one story above another, so 
taught them by those English who escaped the slaughter at Roanoak, at 
what time this our colony, under the conduct of Captain Newport, landed 
within the Chesapeake Bay." Powhatan had been instigated to this mas- 
sacre by his priests. Seven persons escaped, four men, two boys, and a 
young maid. These fled up the Chowan river and were preserved at 
Ritanoe by a chief named Eyanoco, and, in return for protection, began 
to teach the savages the arts of civilized life. Strachey came to Virginia 
as early as 1610 and became secretary of the council. His history is put 
by Mr. R. H. Major, his editor, between 1612 and 1616. It demands, 
then, all the respect due to contemporary authority. His statements are 
vague and unsatisfactory, but doubtless contain a modicum of truth. The 
Indian who was his informant was perhaps in error in regard to the number 
actually massacred, as other evidence goes to show, but his statements 
must have been founded on fact. That this report did not reach James- 


town, however, until after the arrival of Strachey in 1610, is evident from 
a passage in Captain John Smith's condensation of White's narrative for 
his General History of Virginia, where he says : " And thus we left seeking 
our colony, that was never any of them found nor seen to this day 1622 ;" 
which shows that nothing was known of the fate of the lost colony in 1609, 
when Smith had given up the search and returned to England. 

It seems reasonable to suppose, then, that the colonists left on Roanoke 
island by White heard of the arrival of Captain Newport in Chesapeake 
bay in 1607, and that some of them made an effort to reach the colony at 
Jamestown. It is not necessary to suppose that there was a general 
migration of the whole Croatan tribe toward the Chowan. We may con- 
clude that most of the original colonists who were then alive and some of 
the half-breeds undertook the journey. They were met with hostility by 
the emissaries of Powhatan and some were slain; the survivors turned 
toward the south and rejoined those who had remained in their old homes, 
as the traditions of the Croatans of to-day would indicate. 

This view of the case is strengthened by two maps recently found in 
England by Professor Alexander Brown, the author of The Genesis of the 
United States. These maps throw some light on the subject, and modify 
the statements of Strachey somewhat, but in the main confirm his account. 
They were made in 160S and 1610 by later parties sent out by Raleigh on 
another search for the long-lost colony. These explorers learned that the 
chief of the Hatteras or Croatan tribe was named Eyanoco. They learned 
further that he led the colonists up the Roanoke to a town called Ohana- 
howan, which is evidently the same as the town called by Strachey Ochana- 
hoen. It is to be remembered, also, that when Lane explored these 
regions in 1585 he found tribes whose language Manteo could understand 
without an interpreter, which indicates that the tribe of Manteo bore some 
relation to the tribes in this section. From the region of the Roanoke, 
according to the maps, Eyanoco led his followers to a town on the Neuse 
called Passarapanick, which bears a very close resemblance to the form 
given in Strachey as Peccarecamek. 

It is evident from this testimony that the massacre of Powhatan could 
not have been as extensive as is stated by Strachey, for the date of the 
maps is later than the time of the supposed massacre. Strachey himself 
seems to bear witness that the colonists and their Indian partners were 
now traveling toward the southwest, and this apparent evidence is 
strengthened by the direct testimony of the maps. 

These maps will strengthen also the testimony of the next historical 
reference we have to the tribe. This is by John Lederer, a German, who 


made some explorations in eastern North Carolina, perhaps in the region 
south of the Roanoke river, in 1669-70. He mentions a powerful nation 
of bearded men two and one-half days' journey to the southwest, " which 
I suppose to be the Spaniards, because the Indians never have any" 
[beards]. Dr. Hawks thinks that these " bearded men " may have been 
the settlers on the Cape Fear, but we know that this colony was disbanded 
in 1667. We have no records of any Spanish settlements as far north as 
this ; and according to Mr. Hamilton McMillan, whom we have already 
quoted, the mongrel tribe now known as Croatan Indians were occupying 
their present homes as early as 1650. The statement of Lederer can 
only refer to the Croatan tribe. 

The next account that we have of the tribe is in 1704, when Rev. 
John Blair, then traveling as a missionary through the Albemarle settle- 
ments, tells of a powerful tribe of Indians living to the south of what is 
now Albemarle sound, " computed to be no less than 100,000, many of 
which live amongst the English, and all, as I can understand, a very civil- 
ized people." This account is very vague and indefinite, and the numbers 
are largely overestimated ; but it can refer to no other tribe than the 
Croatans. They were then living southwest of Pamlico sound and they 
alone had had civilized influences to bear upon them. 

The next reference to the tribe is more definite. John Lawson, the 
historian of North Carolina, while making explorations to the southwest 
of Pamlico sound met a body of Croatans who were then revisiting their 
old hunting grounds from their homes lying further to the west, in the 
present counties of Sampson and Robeson. Lawson interviewed this 
party and writes as follows in his history concerning them and the Roa- 
noke colony : " The Hatteras (Croatan) Indians who lived on Roanoke 
island, or much frequented it, tell us that several of their ancestors were 
white people and could talk in a book as we do ; the truth of which is 
confirmed by gray eyes being frequently found amongst these Indians, 
and no others. They value themselves extremely for their affinity to the 
English, and are ready to do them all friendly offices. It is. probable that 
this settlement miscarried for want of timely supplies from England ; or 
through the treachery of the natives, for we may reasonably suppose that 
the English were forced to cohabit with them 'for relief and conserva- 
tion,' and that in process of time they conformed themselves to the man- 
ners of their Indian relations, and thus we see how apt human nature is to 
degenerate." Lawson wrote these words not later than 1709, as his book 
was first published in that year. It is impossible for the story told by 
Lawson to be a tradition not founded on the truth, for he wrote within 


one hundred and twenty years of the original settlements at Roanoke, and 
he may have talked with men whose grandfathers had been among the 
original colonists. 

The next witnesses in this chain of evidence are the early settlers in 
the Cape Fear section of North Carolina. Scotch settlements were made 
in Fayetteville asvearly as 171 5.* In 1730 Scotchmen began to arrive in 
what is now Richmond county, and French Huguenots were at the same 
time pressing up from South Carolina. The universal tradition among 
the descendants of these settlers is that their ancestors found a large 
tribe of Indians located on Lumber river in Robeson county, who were 
tilling the soil, owning slaves, 'and speaking English. The descendants of 
this tribe are known to be the Croatan Indians of to-day. 

We see then that the historical arguments which tend to identify the 
Croatans of to-day as the descendants of the colonists of 1587 possess an 
historical continuity from 1 591 to the present time. There is also a 
threefold internal argument, based (1) on the traditions of the Croatan 
Indians of to-day ; (2) from their character and disposition ; (3) from 
their forms of language and family names. 

I. Traditions. The Croatan Indians believe themselves to be the descend- 
ants of the colonists of 1587, and boast of their mixed English and Indian 
blood. They always refer to eastern North Carolina as Virginia, and say 
their former home was in Roanoke in Virginia, which means the present 
counties of Dare, Tyrrell, Hyde, Craven, Carteret, and Jones, and of this 
residence their traditions are sufficiently clear. They say that they held 
communication with the east long after their removal toward the west, and 
it was doubtless one of these parties that was met by Lawson about 1709. 
They know that one of their leaders was made lord of Roanoke and went 
to England, but his name has been lost, the nearest approach to it being in 
the forms Maino and Mainor. They have a word " mayno," which means a 
very quiet, law-abiding people, and this by a kind of metonmy may be 
a survival of Manteo. When an old chronicler was told the story of Virginia 
Dare he recognized it, but her name is preserved only as Darr, Durr, 
Dorr. They say that according to their traditions, Mattamuskeet lake in 
Hyde county is a burnt lake, and so it is ; but they have no traditions in 
regard to the Roanoke river. They say, also, that some of the earlier 
settlers intermarried with them, and this may explain the presence of such 
names among them as Chavis (Cheves), Goins (D'Guin), Leary (O'Leary). 

* A house torn down in Fayetteville in 18S9 fixes this date. This places the first settle- 
ments in this section at an earlier date than has been assigned them hitherto. {H. McMillan, in 
a letter to the author.) 


II. Cliaracter and Disposition. These Indians are hospitable to stran- 
gers and are ever ready to do a favor for the white people. They show a 
fondness for gay colors, march in Indian file, live retired from highways, 
never forget a kindness, an injury, nor a debt. They are the best of 
friends and the most dangerous of enemies. They are reticent until their 
confidence is gained, and when aroused are perfect devils, exhibiting all 
the hatred, malice, cunning, and endurance of their Indian ancestors. 
At the same time they are remarkably clean in their habits, a character- 
istic not found in the pure-blooded Indian. Physicians who practice 
among them say that they never hesitate to sleep or eat in the house of a 
Croatan. They are also great road-builders, something unknown to the 
savage. They have some of the best roads in the state, and by this 
means connect their more distant settlements with those on Lumber 
river. One of these, the Lowrie road, has been open for more than a 
hundred years and is still in use. It extends southwest from Fayette- 
ville, through Cumberland and Robeson counties, to a settlement on the 
Pee Dee. It was over this road that a special courier bore to General 
Jackson in 18 15 the news of the treaty of Ghent. 

III. Language and Family Names. The speech of the Croatans is 
very pure English ; no classical terms are used. It differs from that of 
the whites and from that of the blacks among whom they live. They 
have preserved many forms in good use three hundred years ago, but 
which are now obsolete. They have but two sounds for a ; the short 
sound is represented by short, open o (Q_), as in old English. They regu- 
larly use the word mon for man ; mension is used for measurement ; aks 
for ask ; hit for it ; hosen for hose; housen for houses; lovend for loving ; 
fayther for father; crone is to push down; knowledge is wit; and James 
is called Jcams. The strongest evidence of all is seen in their family 
names. The settlers left on Roanoke island in 1587 were one hundred 
and seventeen in number and had ninety-five different surnames ; out of 
these surnames forty-one, or more than forty-three per cent., including 
such names as Dare, Cooper, Stevens, Sampson, Harvie, Howe, Cage, 
Willes, Gramme, Viccars, Berry, Chapman, Lasie, and Chevin, which are 
now rarely met with in North Carolina, are reproduced by a tribe living 
hundreds of miles from Roanoke island, and after a lapse of three hundred 
years. The chroniclers of the tribe say that the Dares, the Coopers, the 
Harvies, and others retained their purity of blood and were generally the 
pioneers in emigration. And still more remarkable evidence is furnished 
us by the fact that the traditions of every family bearing the name of one 
of the lost colonists point to Roanoke island as the home of their ancestors. 


To summarize : Smith and Strachey heard that the colonists of 1587 
were in the region of the Chowan and Roanoke rivers about 1607. The 
explorers sent out by Raleigh in 1608 and 1610 found that the colony had 
joined the Croatan Indians and removed first to the Roanoke and then to 
the interior. John Lederer heard of them in 1670 and remarked on their 
beards, which were never worn by full-blooded Indians. Rev. John 
Blair heard of them in 1704. John Lawson met some of the Croatan 
Indians about 1709, and was told that their ancestors were white men. 
White settlers came into the middle section of North Carolina as early as 
171 5 and found the ancestors of the present tribe of Croatan Indians till- 
ing the soil, holding slaves, and speaking English. The Croatans of to-day 
claim descent from the lost colony. Their habits, disposition, and mental 
characteristics show traces both of savage and civilized ancestry. Their 
language is the English of three hundred years ago and their names are 
in many cases the same as those borne by the original colonists. No 
other theory of their origin has been advanced, and it is confidently 
believed that the one here proposed is logically and historically the best, 
supported as it is both by external and internal evidence. If this theory 
is rejected, then the critic must explain in some other way the origin of 
an Indian tribe which after the lapse of three hundred years shows the 
characteristics, speaks the language, and possesses the family names of the 
second English colony planted in the western world. * 

Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Mu. 

* This paper was read by its author before the American Historical Association at its meeting 
in Washington, D. C, December 29-31, 1890. 


In the autumn of the year 1806 Zebulon M. Pike, having explored the 
headwaters of the Mississippi the previous year, went on an expedition to 
the Rocky mountains to explore still further the interior of the territory 
of Louisiana, which the United States had recently purchased from 
Napoleon. On the 15th of November, at two o'clock in the afternoon, 
while marching near the Arkansas river, he thought he could distinguish 
a mountain to his right. It appeared like a small blue cloud. Looking 
at it through his spy-glass he was still more confirmed in his opinion that it 
was a mountain. He mentioned it, however, only to Dr. Robinson, who 
was riding in front with him. Half an hour later all doubt was removed. 
Pike's Peak range appeared in full view. Its sides were white, " as if 
covered with snow or a white stone."' When the remainder of the com- 
pany came to the hilltop they gave three cheers for the " Mexican moun- 

Lieutenant Pike says in his journal that these mountains are a natural 
boundary between Louisiana and New Mexico. On that day and the 
next they marched about twenty miles toward the mountains, which were 
so distinct that on the following day, Monday, they pushed forward, con- 
fidently expecting to reach them before night ; but after passing over 
about twenty-four miles there was still no visible difference in the distance 
yet to travel. On Tuesday, Pike made a sketch of the mountains before 
him, while his men killed seventeen buffalo, so that they had " one hun- 
dred and thirty-six marrow bones to eat." On Thursday they marched 
eighteen miles, on Friday twenty-one miles, and on Saturday seventeen 
miles, having an encounter on that day with some thieving Indians, and 
still the coveted mountains were far away. 

Building a rude fort near where the city of Pueblo now stands, and 
leaving the supplies and most of the men, Pike started at one o'clock 
in the afternoon, thinking he could surely reach the foot of the blue 
mountain (Pike's Peak) that night. But after he had proceeded up the 
valley twelve or more miles he camped with his men under a cedar tree 
on the prairie, having no water and suffering much from the cold. The 
next day, November 25, they marched early in the morning, hoping to 
reach the mountain and to ascend it, but after tramping twenty-two miles 
they were content to camp at its base. 


The next day, November 26, they left their provisions and blankets, 
expecting probably to return by noon, and commenced the ascent of what 
is now known as Cheyenne mountain. They climbed all day and then 
slept in a cave without blankets, food, or water. The sky was clear but it 
was snowing below them. The next morning they stood on the summit, 
hungry, dry, and sore, "but amply compensated by the sublimity of the 
prospect below. The unbounded prairie was overhung with clouds, which 
appeared like the ocean in a storm, wave piled on wave, and foaming." 
They found the snow middle deep. The summit of the " Grand Peak " 
now appeared fifteen miles or more distant, bare of vegetation, and covered 
with snow. It seemed as high again as the mountain they had climbed. 
Pike thought it would take another day to reach its base, and it was his 
opinion that no human being could reach its summit. His men had no 
stockings ; he had only thin overalls, so they descended, and found to 
their discomfort their provisions all destroyed. It was snowing, and they 
all four huddled under a rock and made a meal out of a partridge, their 
first food for forty-eight hours. 

A few days later Pike took the altitude of the peak and made it 18,581 
feet. It is now known to be 14,147. His chief error was in supposing that 
his camp was 8,000 feet above the sea, instead of about 5,000. People ride 
now to the summit of Pike's Peak in carriages, up and back in a day, and 
a railroad is being completed, similar to the one at Mount Washington. 

Pike's party subsequently passed through some terrible experiences. 
In mid-winter they were eight hundred miles from the frontier. They had 
to cut up their blankets for stockings and make shoes out of buffalo hide. 
At one time they were without a mouthful of food for four days. Some 
of the men froze their feet and had to be temporarily left behind in the 
wilderness. Pike shared all hardships with his companions. When one 
man exclaimed that it was more than human nature could bear to go three 
days without eating and carry burdens fit only for horses through snow 
three feet deep, Pike reproved him and then pardoned him, but told his 
men that death would be the penalty if such seditious language was heard 
again. The party, after struggling around in the mountains for some time, 
found themselves on the Red river, as they supposed, and were going to 
descend it, but it proved to be the Rio Grande river in Spanish territory. 
The Spaniards arrested them and took them to Santa Fe* and to Old 
Mexico, where they were detained a long time. 

Pike in his journal indulges in some remarks that sound queerly enough 
now. He says that the Arkansas river is navigable clear to the mountains. 
He thinks that the best route from the Atlantic to the Pacific will be up 


the Arkansas in boats to the mountain, then a land carriage of two hun- 
dred miles, then down the Colorado river. He ventured the assertion that 
he 'could find a place in the mountains from which he could march in one 
day to the headwaters of the Yellowstone, Platte, Colorado, Arkansas, or 
Rio Grande rivers. He was right except as to the Yellowstone. That 
place would be about where Salida now is. 

He says that one great advantage of the great plains to the United 
States will be " the restriction of population to some certain limits. Our 
citizens being so prone to rambling and extending themselves on the fron- 
tier will through necessity be constrained to limit their extent on the 
west to the borders of the Missouri and Mississippi, while they leave the 
prairies, incapable of cultivation, to the wandering and uncivilized abo- 
rigines." Even Washington Irving as late as 1835 wrote in one of his 
books that the great plains of the far west would probably be inhabited 
in the future by a hybrid race made up of Indians and fugitives from jus- 
tice. This is rather hard on the inhabitants of Denver and other Colorado 

^f 7 . {^^o 

Minneapolis, Minn. 


The mass of manuscripts left by Colonel Timothy Pickering at his 
death in 1829, arranged by his sons, and presented by his grandson to the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, has been for the last two years in pro- 
cess of indexing; and it is hoped that the index may, before very long, 
be in a condition to be given to the public. It is difficult to over-estimate 
the value or interest of this historical work. 

Beginning in the year 1763, when Pickering was a boy at Harvard 
college, the series is unbroken until his death — comprising, besides an 
enormous number of letters from and to nearly all the eminent Americans 
of the time, a large quantity of miscellaneous writings on all the questions 
in which he took a public or private interest. His biography has already 
been written, but his biographer, Mr. Upham, has been strangely silent 
on some of the most interesting points of his career; it is doubtful if the 
son who wrote the first volume of his father's biography would have been 
so timid. Colonel Pickering himself stoutly combated throughout his life 
the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum, declaring that it should be De 
mortuis nil nisi verum ; and he would have been the last to desire that his 
biographer should keep out of sight any part of his history for fear that 
his action might be misinterpreted by superficial judges. His courage was 
too high and his motives too pure to fear any opinion ; at the same time 
he would have asserted his right to justice, even at the expense of the 
reputation of other eminent men. Mr. Upham has ignored — it is impos- 
sible that he should have overlooked — the strong evidence contained in 
these volumes, that the dismission by President Adams of Pickering from 
the office of secretary of state and of James McHenry from the war 
office, as well as the undignified and unfortunate mission to France of 
1799, were the consequence of a bargain with the leaders of the anti- 
federalist party. These leaders, although they deceived and deserted 
President Adams in the end, made these measures a condition of sup- 
porting him for a re-election in 1800, on which his heart was set. As, 
according to a letter from John Pickering to his father, dated August II, 
1809, President Adams allowed his own family to circulate the statement 
that Colonel Pickering was dismissed from office for suppressing im- 
portant foreign despatches, it is the more remarkable that Mr. Upham 


could reconcile the concealment of these facts with the duty of an honest 

Colonel Timothy Pickering was born at Salem, Mass., on the 6th of 
July, 1745, and graduated from Harvard college in the class of 1763. He 
adopted the profession of the law and practiced at Salem, serving at the 
same time in various public capacities until the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion, when he raised a regiment of which he was chosen colonel, and served 
with it through the New Jersey campaign of J 777. He was soon after- 
ward appointed adjutant-general by Washington in 1778, a member of the 
board of war, and in 1 780, quartermaster-general. At the close of the 
war he engaged in business in Philadelphia, but soon removed to Wyoming, 
where he was appointed by the council of Pennsylvania a commissioner 
to examine and confirm land claims, in the hope of composing the dis- 
sensions arising out of the conflicting claims of that state and Connecticut. 
In 1 791 he was made postmaster-general by Washington, who intrusted 
him while in that office with several important missions to the Indians. 
Appointed successively secretary of war and secretary of state, he re- 
mained a cabinet officer until removed from office by President Adams in 
1800. Returning to Massachusetts, his native state, he was immediately 
chosen a member of the United States senate, and served as senator and 
representative until 1816, when he declined a re-election, and retired to 
Salem, where he filled various offices of public trust until his death. 

No one who merely reads Colonel Pickering's published biography, 
high as may be the opinion of him formed thereby, can have such an idea 
of the many-sided excellences of his character as has impressed itself on 
the mind of the compiler of this index, who has plodded patiently through 
every word of every letter of this voluminous correspondence, and to 
whom it soon became a labor of love. Without the literary attainments 
or brilliant abilities of some of his contemporaries, his honesty and sin- 
cerity of character, his entire disinterestedness, his courage, patience and 
generosity, made him equal to every occasion. In one of the most trying 
situations of his life, in the summer of 1788, taken from his bed at Wyom- 
ing, away from his terrified wife and family by a gang of the adherents of 
John Franklin, then in prison for treason at Philadelphia, and carried off 
led by a chain into the woods, his life threatened in the hope of com- 
pelling him to promise to exert himself for Franklin's release, he repeatedly 
refused to be set at liberty on that condition ; saying that " the executive 
council of Pennsylvania knew their duty better than to discharge a traitor 
to procure the release of an innocent man." And while wandering about 
in the woods with his captors, dragged from place to place to avoid the 


parties of militia who were sure to be sent upon their track, we find him 
coolly recording in his journal various bits of agricultural information 
obtained from the countrymen who held him prisoner, whose confidence 
he appears speedily to have won by his courage and cheerful equanimity ; 
and writing to his wife, that " the dignity and safety of the state cannot 
be sacrificed to the interests of an individual family." How many men 
after suffering such an outrage would have consented under certain con- 
ditions to intercede for the pardon of the " poor wretches," as he calls 
them ? whom he considered to be deceived and misguided men, abandoned 
by the leaders who had instigated them to violence? And how many 
would, like him in his later years, have forgiven the miserable newspaper 
slanderers who circulated falsehoods about him, because he learned that their 
families were in want while the criminals themselves were in jail until the 
damages adjudged in the libel suits decided against them should be paid ? 
As a public officer he seems to have enjoyed the entire confidence of 
congress, of the two Presidents under whom he held office, and indeed of 
every one with whom he came in contact, if we are to judge by their 
letters ; although he had several times to suffer the mortification, intense 
to a man of his honest and straightforward disposition, of being disavowed 
and deserted by the government which had given him full discretionary 
powers, in virtue of which he pledged his personal faith for the fulfillment 
of promises which were afterward broken. In his office of quartermaster 
general he was authorized by congress to issue specie certificates in pay- 
ment for the supplies of provisions and forage of which the army stood in 
most pressing need, with the assurance that they should be redeemed in 
coin. When the certificates became due congress was unable or unwill- 
ing to redeem them, and Colonel Pickering was once, if not more, sued 
by the public creditors, and, until laws forbidding such suits were passed 
by the state legislatures, was continually in danger of arrest. In the 
Wyoming land controversy, invested with power by the government of 
Pennsylvania to examine and confirm the claims of the old Connecticut 
settlers, he had the disappointment of seeing all his labors set at naught 
by the repeal of the confirming law, through the influence of Pennsylvania 
land-jobbers and of those political adventurers whose aim was to fish in 
the troubled waters of anarchy, and to carve out from the territory of 
Pennsylvania a new state in which they should be the great men. And 
in the matter of his ratification as Indian commissioner of the lease given 
by the Cayugas to John Richardson in 1791, after giving in his report to 
General Knox, then secretary of war, the most convincing proof that the 
ratification was in exact accordance with his orders " to leave nothing un- 

Vol. XXV.— No. 2.-10 


done which could serve to allay the jealousy of the Indians," we find him 
recording the fact that President Washington himself, worked upon appar- 
ently by Governor George Clinton and other mighty land-jobbers, wrote 
to Clinton officially " that the commissioner to treat with the Indians mis- 
understood and exceeded his instructions." 

Colonel Pickering's letters as secretary of state have the dignity of 
perfect simplicity and directness. There is no diplomatic beating about 
the bush to make the same combination of words mean yes or no, as 
shall suit future expediencies ; there is never the slightest doubt as to 
what he means. On occasions when severity was necessary, that severity, 
though clothed in terms entirely courteous, is scathing, as is shown in 
various letters to insolent and assuming French and Spanish officers ; 
in one in particular, addressed to M. Letombe, the French consul-general 
in the United States, who demanded exemption, by virtue of his office, 
from all civil processes, such as had been impertinently brought against 
him for payment of a debt. Another very characteristic letter is to one 
Colonel Beriah Norton, who had been so misguided as to hint that it should 
not be for Colonel Pickering's disadvantage if a certain piece of business, 
in which Colonel Norton was interested, could be hurried through the 
state department. Colonel Pickering replied as follows : 

"April 20, 1800. 

Sir, — I have received your letter, and herewith return it. I do not 
choose to have such a letter in my possession. You entirely mistake my 
character in imagining that any prospect or hope of future gain will at all 
incite me to do whatever my special duty requires. I disdain the assurance 
you give me, that in case you succeed in your claim, I shall not be forgotten ; 
that ' you will deal honorably with me for such extra service ' as you sup- 
pose I must perform in your behalf. By your smooth, insinuating manners, 
I thought you well calculated for the business you had undertaken — solic- 
iting compensation from the British government. But I am sorry that you 
should believe an indirect course requisite in your own. However much 
reason I have to resent the promise you make me of reward, I shall per- 
form what my official situation calls for in behalf of the citizens who have 
just claims on the British government ; but do not again insult me by any 
tender or promise of reward. 

My clerks are and will be too much engaged while congress continues 
in session to proceed in your business ; when it adjourns your papers shall 
be taken up. I am, sir, Your h'ble servant, 

Timothy Pickering." 


Was it any wonder that a man like this retired to private life poor? 
A secretary of state of our day, even a speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, would have known better how to make use of his oppor- 

To the earnest and thorough student of American history, the docu- 
mentary evidence contained in these volumes must throw light upon many 
doubtful points. If the ease with which a misstatement is refuted bore 
any proportion to the ease with which it is made, these documents would 
be of equal value in disproving many misrepresentations and absolute 
falsehoods. But, as the wise man has said : " A lie will travel from Maine 
to Georgia, while sober truth is putting on his boots;" and a celebrated 
Massachusetts politician is said to have made a powerful political weapon 
of the fact that as he said; "For ten people that listen to a lie about a 
man, there won't five listen to the contradiction of it." A work like 
Appletons Cyclopcedia of American Biography will be within the reach of 
and consulted by ten thousand times as many people as will ever read the 
contents of these coming volumes ; and it is surprising that in a work of 
such importance, which must influence who knows how distant a future, 
more trustworthy writers should not have been employed. A specimen or 
two of their accuracy in regard to the subject of this paper may be cited. 
Under the heading " Franklin, John," it is stated that Franklin, who was 
one of the ringleaders in the Wyoming land troubles, was kidnapped* by 
Timothy Pickering with a band of frontier roughs, and taken to Phila- 
delphia, loaded with irons, where he was kept fourteen months in jail with- 
out trial. The original chief-justice's warrant for Franklin's arrest on a 
charge of treason is bound up in this collection. Pickering had nothing 
whatever to do with the arrest, and his participation in the affair was con- 
fined to assisting to secure the prisoner on his passage through Wilkes- 
Barre, being called upon for such assistance by the officers who had him 
in charge. The irons appear to have consisted in tying Franklin's feet 
together under his horse to overcome his violent resistance, and the infer- 
ence is strong, from Pickering's correspondence with his friends in Phila- 
delphia, although it is nowhere distinctly so stated, that the delay of his 
trial was at his own request. He was finally released on bail, and never 
tried at all. 

Another misstatement, one which does not need the evidence of these 
volumes to disprove it, is under the name of Samuel W 7 hite, a senator, 
who the writer states defended Timothy Pickering at his trial in 1809 for 
embezzling the public funds. Timothy Pickering! of whom it was said by 
his assistant quartermaster, Peter Anspach : " I believe there is no other 


such case known of a quartermaster-general and his assistants voluntarily- 
applying money justly due to themselves to support the public credit, and 
leaving themselves moneyless." And the same Peter Anspach afterward 
complains that one great source of confusion in the accounts which he was 
employed to settle was Colonel Pickering's practice of assuming other 
men to be as honest as himself. The most superficial research into the 
history of his subject would have shown the writer in Appletoris Cyclopczdia 
that the person defended by Senator White was John Pickering, judge of 
the United States district court in New Hampshire, and a distant relation 
of the Salem family, who was impeached for misconduct in office attrib- 
uted by his friends to insanity. 

To return to more doubtful points in our history which are illustrated 
by these manuscripts. The federalist party has been described as de- 
termined in 1798 on war with France at all hazards, and only overpowered 
by the coming into power of Mr. Jefferson in 1801. In all the letters of 
the period between 1795 and 1800, most of them the confidential corre- 
spondence of Pickering, as well with Washington as with Jay, Cabot, Fisher, 
Ames, Stephen Higginson, Rufus King, Hamilton, and Pinckney, all 
federalist leaders, there is only one instance of any such expressed desire 
for war, when Stephen Higginson writes, January 1, 1799: " It is thought 
that we ought to become openly parties to the war, that we may also 
become parties to a general peace." The prevailing spirit of the letters is : 
11 We must be thoroughly prepared for an invasion, our merchant ships 
must be armed for defence, and the men-of-war sweep the c.oast clear of 
these insolent privateers ; then let France declare war if she dare ! " One 
cannot avoid a conjecture as to how far the relations between America, 
France, and England would have been changed, had this dignified attitude 
been persisted in ten years longer. 

Again, the war of 1812 is called " Mr. Madison's war," and that gentle- 
man is said to have been determined on war with England. Mr. Schurz, 
in his life of Henry Clay, Vol. L, pages 83, 84, says that Clay was sup- 
posed to have influenced Mr. Madison by threats of desertion to declare 
war, but always denied the fact, and that there is no evidence to discredit 
his denial. In a letter from Captain Abraham Shepherd to Colonel Picker- 
ing, dated February 20, 18 14, Vol. XXX., page 227, Captain Shepherd 
says that his friend, General Thomas Worthington of Ohio, also an inti- 
mate friend of Mr. Madison, on his departure from Washington just before 
the declaration, left Mr. Madison fully determined on sending Mr. Bayard 
on a peace mission to England. On his return a few weeks later, he found 
to his surprise and sorrow that war had been declared. On waiting upon 


the president to inquire the reason of the change, he was told that a com- 
mittee of Mr. Madison's supporters, among whom was Henry Clay, had 
visited him, and threatened to withdraw their adherence unless he com- 
plied with their desire for war; and he was compelled (after privately en- 
deavoring, according to another correspondent, to induce Senator Smith 
of Maryland to vote against the measure, which Smith refused to do) to 
accede to their demands. 

Enough has been revealed to demonstrate the variety of interesting 
and valuable documents contained in this collection, though much more 
might be stated here. The index is rather a catalogue than a simple 
index, abstracts of all the letters being given with entries under all sub- 
jects of any importance. If one half the interest which it deserves should 
be excited by this compendium of the history of fifty years, the compiler 
will not have toiled in vain. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. 



Among the Puritan worthies who planted the colony of Massachusetts 
bay and were first as to public service in the settlement of Lynn was a 
man known to his contemporaries, in the stately language of the times, as 
the Worshipful Captain Robert Bridges. His home was on the west bank 
of Saugus river, upon what is now Central street in Saugus Centre, south- 
west from " the Cinder Banks." His years in Lynn were not many in 
number, but crowded with activities public and private. He took the 
freeman's oath June 2, 1641, the form of which, as prescribed by the 
general court as early as 1634, is significant of the intentions of the set- 
tlers from the absence of any reference to the government of the king. It 
reads as follows : 

"I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant and freeman within the jurisdic- 
tion of this commonwealth, do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the govern- 
ment thereof, and therefore do swear by the great and dreadful name of the ever-living 
God that I will be true and faithful to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and 
support thereunto, with my person and estate, as in equity I am bound, and will also truly 
endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting my- 
self to the wholesome laws and orders made and established by the same ; and further, 
that I will not plot nor practice any evil against it, nor consent to any that shall do so, but 
will timely discover and reveal the same to lawful authority now here established, for the 
speedy preventing thereof. Moreover, I do solemnly bind myself, in the sight of God, that 
when I shall be called to give my voice touching any such matter of this state, wherein 
freemen are to deal, I will give my vote and suffrage as I shall judge in mine own con- 
science may best conduce and tend to the public weal of the body, without respect of per- 
sons or favor of any man. So help me God, in the Lord Jesus Christ." 

In the same year that Mr. Bridges took the oath he became a member 
of the " Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company," and also was made 
captain of the Lynn militia company. In 1642 he went to London and 
formed the Iron Works Company as related elsewhere. He returned with 
the younger Winthrop whom he had interested in the cause. In 1644 he 
became a member of the quarterly court at Salem and was elected a 
deputy to the general court from Lynn — also in 1645 and 1646, in which 
latter year he was made speaker. 

* Magazine 0/ American History for November, 1889 [vol. xxii. 404]. 


Under the colonial charter a very large portion of the governing power 
of the colony was vested in a select and limited body of influential men 
known as the governor and assistants. During the whole of what is called 
the colonial period, from 1630 to 1692, Lynn was only represented in this 
board by two persons. The first was John Humfrey, one of the men 
to whom the charter was granted, who had come over with his wife — the 
daughter of the great Puritan nobleman, Earl of Lincoln — as a promoter 
of the colony rather than as a permanent settler. After the success of the 
movement was assured he returned to England. Captain Bridges was 
chosen an assistant in 1646, and remained in the office till his death in 1656. 
He went to the board of assistants directly from the speakership of the 
house of deputies or representatives. As speaker he stands alone as 
the only Lynn man who was advanced to that honorable post during the 
colonial period. 

John Burrill, " the beloved speaker," subsequently held similar positions, 
but his service was after the Puritan experiment of a free commonwealth 
had been suspended by the charter of William and Mary, and Massachu- 
setts was ruled by governors appointed by the king instead of chosen by 
the people. Speaker Bun-ill's house on the southern slope of Tower Hill 
also looked out upon the river where the tides covered the great marshes 
upon its banks. 

A paper somewhat noted in our local annals, bearing the autographs of 
many of the first settlers, called the " Armitage petition," appears in Mr. 
Bridges' handwriting and shows him to have been an elegant penman. 
The document is a prayer of the leading citizens: 

That Jane Armitage may be licensed to keep the ordinary, instead of her husband 
Joseph, whose "labours & indeauors have beene blasted, and his aims & ends frustrated 
by a just hand, beinge also made incapable of such other ymploym 1 as hee is personally- 
fitted for by reason of the sensure vnder w ch for the p r sent he lyeth & alsoe being outed 
of such trade & comerce as might have afforded supportacon to his familie consistinge of 
Diuers p r sons & small Children in comiseracon of whom, togither with yo r peticonesse, 
the inhabitants of o r town were pleased (as farr as in them lay) to continue yo r poore peti- 
conesse in the Custodie of the said Ordinary, & that benefitt w ch might accrew from the 
same to take towards makeinge of theire Hues the more comfortable ; wherevpon & by rea- 
son whereof yo r peticonesse said husband procured the most convenient howse in Lynn 
for the purpose albeit itt was very ruinous & much cost bestowed respectinge his p T sent con- 
dicon in repaireinge & fittinge vp of the same accordingly." 

The first signers were Samuel Whiting, pastor, and Thomas Cobbett, 
teacher, of the church of Lynn ; then, at a respectful distance, follow the 
names of the laymen, led by the clear signature of Robert Bridges. It 


would make a modern board of aldermen or selectmen amazed to receive a 
petition for a tavern license signed by the clergymen of the place. The 
tavern was the old " Anchor," a noted hostelry for many generations down 
to the time when landlord Jacob. Newhall kept it, and occupied the best 
pew in the third parish meeting-house by virtue of paying the largest parish 
tax. If the saintly Whiting and the astute Bridges had lived in these days 
the whole pack of wiseacre agitators would have been barking at their heels. 
They were accounted godly and wise men in their day and generation. Is 
it not possible that their conservatism and regulation were the fruit of deep 
observation of human nature — which human nature is about the same now 
as then ? 

We know less of the manner of life of Mr. Bridges than of many of his 
contemporaries who were not half as influential, because he lacked certain 
angular points that marked them. We hear much about his neighbor 
Farmer Dexter, because his temper brought him into trouble as a reviler of 
dignitaries. We are familiar with Bennet because he was a common sleeper 
in meeting, and by reason of his litigation with the Iron Works Company. 
We get an idea of what manner of man Captain Marshall was from the 
yarns he spun about his service with Cromwell — which stories his guests 
recorded in their note-books and then printed. Others are pictured to us 
through family tradition. Yet we can without any of these aids form a 
fair estimate of the daily life of this Puritan pioneer. That he walked in 
straitest Puritan ways his constant service in the board of assistants testi- 

Historians are fond of enlarging upon the power of the Puritan clergy. 
In one very important matter they had absolutely no authority. John 
Winthrop and his followers regarded marriage as a purely civil contract. 
Speaking of them Governor Hutchinson says : " I suppose there had been 
no instance of a marriage lawfully celebrated by a layman in England when 
they left it. I believe there was no instance of marriage by a clergyman 
after they arrived, during their charter, but the service was always per- 
formed by a magistrate, or by persons specially appointed in particular 
towns or districts." The magistrates were the governor, the deputy gov- 
ernor, and the assistants. For ten years, from 1646 to 1656, one of the 
functions of Mr. Bridges was the legalizing the union of the young people 
of Lynn in the state of matrimony. 

The colonial statute regarding the ceremony of marriage was passed in 
the year that Captain Bridges became a member of the court of assistants. 
As an illustration of Puritan views the following is copied from " The Book 
of the General Laws and Libertyes concerning the Inhabitants of the Massa- 


chusets, collected out of the Records of the General Court, for the years 
wherein they were made and established," and printed at Cambridge in 

"As the Ordinance of Marriage is honourable amongst all, so should it be accordingly 
solemnized. It is therefore Ordered by this Court and Authority thereof. That no person 
whatsoever in this jurisdiction, shall joyne any persons together in Marriage, but the magis- 
trate, or such other as the General Court, or Court of Assistants shal Authorize in such 
place, where no Magistrate is near. Nor shal any joyne themselves in marriage, but before 
some magistrate or person authorized as aforesaid. Nor shal any magistrate, or other 
person authorized as aforesaid, joyne any persons together in marriage, or suffer them to 
joyne together in marriage in their presence, before the parties to be marryed have been 
published according to Law." 

After the death of Captain Bridges Lynn was one of the places de- 
scribed as " where no magistrate is near." It may seem strange to those 
who have been taught that our fathers were a stern race to learn that the 
man selected to succeed Mr. Bridges in tying the nuptial knot was the 
redoubtable Thomas Marshall, formerly parliamentary soldier, transformed 
into the jolly Boniface of the Blew Anchor. Yet he was thus empow- 
ered by the general court on the 18th of October, 1659. The records of 
the quarterly court also state that during the next month, November, 
" Thomas Marshall, of Lynn, is alowed by this Court, to sell strong water 
to travellers, and also other meet provisions." Thus all the inhabitants of 
Lynn who dared the perils of either matrimony or of " strong water " 
thereafter applied at the door of the old tavern which has been so lov- 
ingly immortalized by our local historians. 

With his other accomplishments Captain Bridges was a skillful diplo- 
mat. From 1632 to 1654, the famed land of Acadia, extending from Nova 
Scotia to the cloud-covered domes of the isle of the desert mountains, was 
in possession of France. Two rival French governors, D'Aulnay and La 
Tour, fought for supremacy. La Tour sought aid from Massachusetts. 
It required shrewd management to avoid entanglement with the crafty 
Frenchmen, and consequent war with the offended party. Finally in 
1645 a treaty was signed, pledging the colonists to neutrality. Captain 
Bridges was the Massachusetts commissioner. He was accompanied by 
Richard Walker and Thomas Marshall, both valiant soldiers, whose homes 
were upon the shores of Saugus river. Pecuniary compensation was then 
exceedingly modest ; for " good services " in this mission Captain Bridges 
was allowed ten pounds, Lieutenant Walker four pounds, and Sergeant 
Marshall forty shillings. In the young Puritan commonwealth public 
service was a duty to be freely rendered. 


Even in the present age when the shrill whistle of the mammoth 
steamer echoes against the rock-ribbed headlands of Maine, and the muf- 
fled response of distant lighthouse bells peals mournfully across the sullen 
waters from Boone island or Monhegan or Owlshead, the voyage to the 
Acadia of song and history is weird and exciting. When Robert Bridges 
and his companions skirted the grim coast in clumsy sailing-vessels, the 
only sounds that broke upon the ear were the flapping sails, the splash of 
waters cat by the sharp prow, or the sombre waves beating upon some 
dangerous reef. The land to which they journeyed was filled with their 
hereditary enemies — the murderous Indian and the Jesuit Frenchman. 
Although nearly two and a half centuries ago, and the actors all gone, the 
scenes remain almost as they were then — the uneasy, ever-moving sea, 
Mount Agamenticus against the sky, the blue hills of Camden, and above 
all that calm, steady guide of mariners, the north star, still and forever 
pointing onward. Bridges and his colleagues diplomatically steered their 
bark between Scylla and Charybdis. The confederacy of New England 
held aloof from the contestants ; D'Aulnay captured La Tour's fort at St. 
Johns, and the fortune of war went against La Tour, who was apparently 
ruined. D'Aulnay, however, opportunely died, whereupon La Tour mar- 
ried his widow and recovered his lost possessions. 

As a fit sequel to this episode Cromwell, who was ever watchful of 
the colonies, sent secret instructions to Boston which resulted in the 
subjugation of the whole of Acadia by Massachusetts in 1654. It re- 
mained in possession of the English while Cromwell lived; then by the 
treaty of Breda in 1667 Charles II. ceded Acadia with its vast and unde- 
fined limits to France, to become a foot-ball of European intrigues for a 

Mr. Newhall in his history of Lynn, while giving Mr. Bridges full 
credit for his talents and strong character, seems to think he was hard and 
masterful in his relations with inferiors. It is to be remembered that he 
was a magistrate in a new country where it was considered necessary to 
hold a tight rein over the conduct of adventurers who disturbed the well- 
ordered plan of the Puritan theocracy. Violators of established rules 
naturally complained of those who restrained them. His associates found 
nothing in him to condemn. Robert Keayne, the eminent merchant of 
Boston, the first commander of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com- 
pany, unconsciously put on record testimony of his domestic life, when he 
wrote in his will these words: " I have forgott one Loveing Couple more 
that came not to my minde till I was shutting vp ; that is Cap* Bridges & 
wife to whom I give forty shillings." 


No man who lacked suavity and winning social manners could have 
persuaded calculating London merchants to have ventured their dearly 
loved funds in an iron works experiment across the Atlantic, in a savage 
and unknown land. To negotiate a successful treaty with subtle French- 
men required all the powers of a keen and polished man of affairs. The 
uniform success of Mr. Bridges in everything he undertook, his continued 
advancement in places of trust and power, are better witnesses for our 
judgment of his character than the whine of those who felt his righteous 

Edward Johnson in his Wonder- Working Providence thus tersely sums 
up the character of Mr. Bridges: " He was endued with able parts, and 
forward to improve them to the Glory of God and his people's good." 

/h* A/ ^*^ ^k. . ff?usJiA>$ 

Lynn, Massachusetts. 




Newport, 3d April, 1781. 

It is impossible to determine yet what part we are to take in this war. 
It cannot last long. For the past ten months, we have been but a mere 
handful of men on this island. We have done absolutely nothing. The 
south is being devastated by the British, and we are powerless to stop it 
because of our limited forces. Should the English continue to be success- 
ful, the entire south will inevitably be theirs. Utter discouragement will 
be the result of such a loss, and peace the certain consequence. 

We are still awaiting news from that part of the states. It is said that 
Lord Cornwallis, who has command of the British troops in that section 
of country, had imprudently advanced inland and been obliged to retreat, 
that he had fallen back on a very favorable position but was surrounded 
now by the militia of the country, and that according to all appearances, 
he will either be captured or cut all to pieces if he attempts a retreat. A 
month has passed, however, and the rumor has not been confirmed. I 
myself could scarcely credit it at the time. The first bit of news we shall 
receive will be interesting indeed. ' 

I informed you, my dear father, that Arnold had been sent by the enemy 
to commit as many depredations as possible around Chesapeake bay. He 
had been stationed there since January. A plan was formed to undertake 
his capture. We made a junction with fifteen hundred Americans under 
the command of Lafayette; seventeen hundred of us were embarked on a 
fleet under the leadership of Baron Viomenil. They left on the 18th of 
March. Enclosed in this you will find an account of the engagement that 
took place. You will see that we were fairly successful, although we did 
not obtain what we started out to get, because the British forces are occupy- 
ing the very spot we were anxious to capture, so that we have been obliged 
to return here. I had always thought that a victory alone could be 
claimed when the object aimed for had been achieved. Two of our ves- 
sels were so roughly handled that when Monsieur Destouches signaled to 
begin hostilities they ran up flags of distress. There were only four 


English sail actively engaged in this combat ; the others fired from a 
distance. The number of our wounded or our dead amounts to nearly 
three hundred. The account I enclose only reports two hundred. I 
have only been able to correct the grossest of the errors, for, if I were to 
attempt to correct all, I should have to rewrite it. 

Newport, nth April, 1781. 

In the south the British under the command of Cornwallis have just 
gained no inconsiderable victory over General Greene, who is at the head 
of the American forces there. We do not know what the result of this 
victory will be. I think perhaps it will assure Lord Cornwallis's safe 
retreat. Daily I hear this leader so accused of thoughtlessness and 
incapacity that I can scarcely believe a man can be a poor general who 
up to the present has always been successful, and who penetrating too far 
into an enemy's country, and being surrounded on all sides, with capture 
staring him inevitably in the face, begins a well-ordered retreat, halts 
when he finds an advantageous position, beats the enemy and forces them 
to retire some twenty miles from the field of action. This war does honor 
to the English, although their generals have behaved very badly in America. 
As for ourselves we shall not reap any glory, I fear. The winter is entirely 
over, and we are having the most delightful weather: it is even sometimes 
very warm. We are daily expecting a merchant ship with the second 
division aboard. Of course the arrival of these troops will decide our 
future plan of action for the coming campaign. 

Newport, 13th May, 1781. 

Nothing has occurred since my last missive. We are still quietly 
occupying Newport, the English New York, and General Washington 
New Windsor on the Hudson. Pleaven only knows when we shall leave 
this port where we have been so long stationed. The campaign in the 
south is about over ; we are nearing the summer solstice, a season during 
which all war operations are impossible without considerable loss of life 
through heat and malaria. Lord Cornwallis has pushed on to Camden, 
from thence to Charlestown where he will spend the summer, to begin 
operations again in the fall. We are actually preparing for the march ; 
every one is busy with his equipments. I have already told you what mine 
consist of. My comrades are provided with sutlers' stores, but I thought 
these quite a heavy and useless expense for me. I shall not be quite as 
comfortably off, perhaps, as they are, but it is too costly. 


Newport, 17th May, 1781. 

It is impossible to form any conjectures about the campaign which 
we will soon be engaged in ; what news the general has received from 
France we are in ignorance of, nofl the strength of the reinforcements 
which are to be sent. Some say six hundred and twenty, others fifteen 
hundred men ; others again pretend that Monsieur de Grasse, who set sail 
for the West Indies with twenty-one ships and ten thousand men, will be 
here with a part of these as soon as all traces of winter disappear and 
make it possible to begin operations in this part of the country. That will 
be about July or August. Should this be true we could then undertake 
the siege of New York at once, where we might reasonably expect suc- 
cess. Without these heavy reinforcements, however, this would be indeed 
a chimera, a dream to which we have sacrificed much. Should these 
forces not arrive, we shall evacuate Rhode Island and establish our military 
stores at Providence, whither we have already dispatched a part of our 
artillery and equipments. We shall march to the North river, from whence 
we shall make our approach to New York, which we shall threaten, thus 
preventing General Clinton from sending off detachments and give General 
Washington time to go to Virginia to dislodge Arnold and destroy the 
British post which seems to be settling there with a view to remain. Per- 
haps the Americans will camp before New York, and possibly we may 
undertake the Virginia expedition. I should certainly prefer this. Such 
was, indeed, the plan of action before the arrival of the frigate which brought 
us the new admiral and the court dispatches. Since then I have not the 
slightest idea what changes have been made in the first plan. I think, 
however, it will be carried out as it is unless Monsieur de Grasse arrives. 
A conference is to take place shortly between General Washington and 
Monsieur de Rochambeau. They are to meet at Hartford as they did 
last year, forty miles from here. Probably a campaign plan will then be de- 
cided upon. If it is only an active one and something accomplished in the 
end, I shall be satisfied. We have long enough been inactive and shame- 
fully so. It would have certainly been wiser to have sent America at the 
outset the money it has cost the king for our maintenance here ; they would 
have made better use of it. What was needed here was an army, say, of 
fifteen thousand men or nothing. Only five thousand men were sent, and 
these have been garrisoned in Newport ever since, of no earthly use to the 
Americans except to consume their provisions and raise the market prices. 
I do hope we shall at last shake off this lethargy and become actively 

I have nothing new to tell you about my own affairs, dear father, as 


nothing has been done about them since last I mentioned them to you. 
I wish something were settled for me, as I begin to weary of being with 
Monsieur de Rochambeau. He seems to single me out, to be sure, with his 
attention, for all of which I am grateful, of course ; but his manner is defiant, 
insultingly so. He seems to have more confidence in me than in my com- 
rades, but that is not saying much. He does not trust his officers either, 
who are quite displeased, as are the superior army officers ; but they have 
the tact to hide their feelings and to work for the good of the cause. 

We push economy to such an extreme that we keep no spies in New 
York because this would be an outlay of some fifty louis a month. We 
have to depend therefore entirely on General Washington for all our infor- 
mation, leaving the Americans to provide the spies when they can ill afford 
to pay them ; consequently these latter have to sacrifice themselves for love 
of country. By these means we always have belated news. The result 
will be that we will some day have no news at all, for men who work for 
nothing will soon get tired of being hung for nothing ! 

We are still preparing to march, but when we leave here for good I do 
not know. A part of our artillery and camp furniture is stored at Provi- 
dence. The general officers are completing their military arrangements. 

Our army, unfortunately, is as little disciplined as the French army 
always is under ordinary circumstances. Our chiefs are very strict, and 
not a day passes that there are not some two or three of the officers placed 
under arrest. I have myself seen some lamentable scenes where a whole 
corps of men ought to have been cashiered, but as we only number 'five 
thousand we cannot afford to lose one man. 

Yesterday the fleet was ordered to sail, and we furnished a contingent 
of five hundred men to complete the crews of these vessels, which have 
scarcely any sailors left and which our own land forces are compelled to 
replace. Our colonels are indignant at this, and with reason, for it grieves 
me. This makes us five hundred men short, and we really need all our 
soldiers. I think the squadron is to sail out to meet the French convoy 
which is to help us. We were told that the British had sent out two vessels 
and a frigate to try and intercept ours. 

Newport, 3d June, 1781. 

At last we leave. Our army will be on the march in about eight to ten 
days. This is the result of the conference between the generals. What 
their campaign plan is, where we are to be sent to, is a secret as yet, 
and will remain so. I hope we will see active service and not be garrisoned 
again in some smalltown. Our fleet stays here protected by the American 


militia and four hundred of our troops. I pity those who are to serve in 
that detachment. Our army is delighted to leave. 

Nothing of importance has happened since my last letter. The English 
are making further inroads in the south ; they burn and plunder wherever 
they go, but they sow money broadcast and thus make " friends unto them- 
selves." In a short while all that part of America will be conquered ; then 
the British will recognize the independence of the northern and keep the 
southern states for themselves. I leave you to judge how glorious that will 
be for the royal arms. What confirms me in this idea is that everything 
tends to a complete evacuation of New York. They have sent off several 
detachments, and just an hour ago twenty-five hundred men were dis- 
patched ; a great many things are being shipped off during the night. 
After the evacuation the inhabitants will not be permitted to leave. Should 
they take all their forces from New York to carry them south, they will act 
wisely. I am obliged to close. 

YORK, 23d October, 1781. 

As I have no time to give you the slightest account of the siege I enclose 
in this a small diary of our operations. The campaign is over for this year 
and we are to take up our winter quarters in this neighborhood ; our head- 
quarters will be in Williamsburg, an ugly little town that looks like a vil- 
lage. To all appearances we shall open a campaign next year on Charles- 
town which we shall complete by a siege and capture. The English will 
assuredly not fail to send troops from New York to this southern section of 
America, where we shall have active warfare. It appears that there is 
nothing else left for General Clinton to do. Monsieur de Rochambeau has 
asked for reinforcements; De Grasse will touch hereon his return from the 
Antilles with his twenty-eight vessels. If he is left in command he will 
bring troops with him, and our united forces ought to be able to make 
a lively campaign by first capturing Savannah (which Monsieur d'Estaing 
failed to do), then Charlestown, to crown the work. 

I have no doubt whatever that the troops Monsieur de Rochambeau 
solicited will be sent him, as he knows so well how to make use of them, 
and he has rendered such signal services already that it seems almost 
impossible that he should be refused so just a demand. I only fear that 
peace may be declared. My most ardent wish is that this may not happen 
yet (for) a while. All our young court colonels are leaving for Paris to spend 
the winter. Some of them will return here, others will remain behind ; 
these latter will be very much surprised at not having been promoted 
brigadiers for having assisted at the siege of York, which they think was 
the finest thing in the world.' I shall remain here, as my only reason for 


returning to Paris would be for personal gratification and pleasure : so 
I make the sacrifice. My own affairs have to get along without me. I 
should only spend my money uselessly ; this I ought to economize, as I 
would rather use my means to carry on the campaign here and complete 
what I have begun. When I came here I foresaw all the ennui I should 
have to endure; it is but just I should pay for the lessons I have received. 

Diary of military operations annexed to the letter: 

After spending eleven months in Newport in complete inactivity the 
army left it on the 12th of June, 1781, leaving some six hundred men and 
one thousand of the militia, under the command of Brigadier Choisy, to 
defend the works we had made there, and to protect our little squadron of 
eight vessels, which have to stay behind to cover, if need be, our stores in 
Providence, where are all our siege pieces. The army crossed over from 
Newport to Providence, and from thence marched by land as far as Phil- 
ippsburg, fifteen miles from Kingsbridge, where it arrived on the 6th of July 
and camped to the left of the Americans. The legion of Lauzun had always 
covered our left flank. They generally kept some ten or twelve miles 
distant from us, following the coast. Our army was five thousand strong. 
The Americans numbered some three thousand. Whilst we were at 
Philippsbourg we made several reconnoissances about Kingsbridge and laid 
in a considerable supply of provisions. On the 14th of August we received 
the news of the arrival of Monsieur de Grasse ; he had left the Antilles 
about the 24th of July. I was sent to Newport to hasten the departure of 
our fleet and the shipping of our artillery to Providence ; on the 17th the 
army left Philippsbourg and arrived the 2 1st at Kingsbridge on the banks of 
the North river (or the Hudson) which we took four days to cross ; on the 
25th inst. we began our march. Two thousand Americans were with us; 
three thousand of their men were left to guard the defiles near Philipps- 
bourg. Everything had been prepared for the siege of New York ; a bakery 
and other provision stores had been established some four miles from 
Staten island, at Chatham. Our crossing the North river and march to 
Morristown seemed to indicate that we were going to attack Sandy Hook 
to facilitate the entry of our ships into the harbor. It was not long before 
we perceived that it was not for an attack on New York that we were con- 
centrating our forces. General Clinton, however, was completely deceived,, 
which was just exactly what we wanted. We made our march through 
New Jersey, which is one of the most beautiful as well as one of the best 
cultivated states of America, and the army arrived in Philadelphia on the 
3d of September. We paraded the streets to the great admiration of the 

Vol. XXV. -No. 2.-11 


citizens, who had never before seen so many well-uniformed and well- 
disciplined men. We remained two days here, when we marched, Septem- 
ber 5, to the head of Elk river at the head of Chesapeake bay. On the 6th 
we were informed that Monsieur de Grasse had arrived on the 3d with 
twenty-eight vessels in Chesapeake bay, and that three thousand men under 
the command of Major-General de Saint Simon had landed and joined 
Lafayette's forces of eighteen hundred at Williamsburg. The movement 
of our troops being hastened, the whole army met at the head of Elk 
on the 7th. It was resolved to embark, but the dearth of vessels which 
the English had captured or destroyed, only allowed the embarkation of 
eight hundred of our men and seven hundred of the continentals. The 
remainder with their wagons went to Annapolis and embarked in frigates. 
The whole force landed and were camped at Williamsburg on the 26th. 
De Grasse, two days after his arrival in the bay, on the 5th of September 
discovered a large English fleet of twenty sail. Admiral Hood with his 
twelve vessels had joined Graves w r ith his eight. De Grasse immediately 
sailed out with his twenty-four vessels, leaving four ships to guard the 
York and James rivers. After an engagement which was not over-exciting, 
the British retired ; De Barras then joined De Grasse with his eight sail, 
and on the 8th of the month all were in the bay. 

As soon as we arrived at Williamsburg we set to work to land our cam- 
paign pieces and our equipments. All was completed by the 28th, and 
the army proceeded to besiege Yorktown where Lord Cornwallis was 
stationed. This town occupies the right bank of the river, with Glouces- 
ter on the left. The river is a mile wide, that is to say, the third of a 
French league. We began to invest the city that very day ; the Ameri- 
cans did not complete their arrangements till the day following, as they 
had a marsh to cross and were delayed by having to rebuild a broken 
bridge. On the 29th the work was finished and we busied ourselves land- 
ing our siege pieces and placing the necessary fascines, sand-bags, hurdles, 
and musket baskets which we would need for the siege. On the 30th the 
enemy evacuated their outworks and retired to the body of the place. 
These outworks consisted of two large redoubts and a battery of two 
pieces of cannon, separated from the town by a large ravine some six- 
teen hundred yards. We took it and facilitated our work, as this gave 
us an opportunity of establishing our first parallel on the other side of the 
ravine. If this move seemed a gross error on the part of Lord Cornwallis, 
he must be entirely exonerated, as it was by General Clinton's express 
orders that he retired to the body of the place, with a promise that General 
Clinton would assist him. 


On the 6th of October at 8 o'clock in the evening we opened a trench 
some six hundred yards from the outworks ; our right wing leaned toward 
the river, our left toward the ravine which fell perpendicularly to the 
town at a third to the right of the works, and which leads to the river to 
the right of the town. Our trench had been developed about a thousand 
yards ; it was defended by four palisaded redoubts and five batteries. The 
ground, which was much cut up by little gullies, facilitated our approach 
and covered us as we made our way through the trench without forcing us 
to make a branch one. To our left we had opened another trench leaning 
toward the river still to the left, and to a wood on the right. We had 
here a battery of four mortars, two howitzers, and two twenty-four pound- 
ers which we used for firing on the river, thus rendering communication 
between Yorktown and Gloucester very perilous indeed, and which served 
to keep the enemy's vessels in a constant state of alarm. The British did 
not keep up much firing after nightfall. For several days we were kept 
busy palisading the trench, completing the redoubts, and placing our 
batteries in good order. On the 10th inst. we kept up our firing all day. 
We had forty-one pieces — cannon, mortars, and howitzers. Our artillery, 
though skillfully manned and well pointed, did not produce the effect on 
the sand-works which it would have done on higher ground. We learned 
through deserters from the enemy's camp that our bombs did efficient 
work, as the number of the killed and the wounded were considerably on 
the increase. The besieged fired little, as they had but small pieces of 
cannon, the largest only an eighteen pounder; their mortars even were only 
six to eight inches in diameter, whilst ours measured twelve. During the 
day they threw a great many bombs and royal hand-grenades, and at 
night they only used their flying batteries. In the daytime they would 
mask their pieces behind the parapets. On the night of the nth inst. we 
opened our second parallel of two hundred and forty yards ; the left 
leaning like the first one toward the same ravine, the right toward the 
redoubt. We could not extend our parallel to the river because of the 
British redoubts which were within half a range of our guns to the right. 
We resolved to attack these to complete our parallel. The 14th inst. 
at 8 o'clock in. the evening four hundred riflemen, backed by a thousand 
men, attacked the redoubt and carried it sword in hand. There were one 
hundred and sixty men in the place, as many Germans as English. We 
only made thirty-four prisoners and took three officers. The continentals 
carried the other redoubt. We worked all night to continue our trench, 
and on the 15th were under cover; the English raining down on us, mean- 
while, bombs during the night and the whole day. 


On the 16th our batteries were completed and we were busy forming 
our pieces in a battery. On this same morning the besieged, numbering 
some six hundred men, made a sortie, and entering one of our batteries 
spiked four guns. They were immediately repulsed, but we met with a loss 
of twenty killed and wounded, besides having seventeen men carried off as 
prisoners, amongst whom was an officer. Our soldiers, worn out by the 
tedious preparations of the siege, had fallen asleep ; hence the surprise. 
On the 17th Lord Cornwallis sent us a flag of truce, begging to surrender. 
On the 1 8th the articles of capitulation were drawn up, and on the 19th of 
October it was duly signed, the troops laid down their arms. There were 
only ten cannon balls and one bomb in the place. We had in our second 
parallel six batteries and sixty pieces which were to have kept up the fir- 
ing during the 17th, 18th, and 19th inst., on which date we. had hoped to 
make the assault. 

The legion of Lauzun, with eight hundred troops, ships, a'nd one 
thousand of the militia, had been stationed at Gloucester to prevent any 
surprise in that quarter. During the night of the 14th Lord Cornwallis 
secretly dispatched some two thousand men to Gloucester with orders to 
force a passage out that way, and in case of success to march directly on 
to New York, thus crossing some two hundred leagues of an enemy's 
country ! The enterprise was bold, but foolish. He would have perhaps 
arrived with one hundred men. Lord Cornwallis's only error was remain- 
ing in Yorktown at all. This was General Clinton's fault, who ordered him 
there, and he simply obeyed orders. 

We took seven thousand six hundred prisoners, two thousand of whom 
were sick, and four hundred of whom were wounded. We captured four 
hundred beautiful dragoon horses; one hundred and seventy-four pieces 
of cannon, seventy-four of which were bronze ; the most of these little 
artillery pieces were small mortars, measuring only four to six inches in 
diameter. Then there were some forty ships of no possible account what- 
ever, as they were mostly damaged or sunk. One ship of fifty guns had 
been set on fire by our own batteries' shelling it with red-hot balls. 

Our army was composed of eight thousand men ; the continentals 
numbered nearly the same, making in all between fifteen and sixteen 
thousand men. We had two hundred and seventy-four killed and wounded, 
and lost ten officers. 

Williamsburg, 25th March, 1782. 

The last missive I had the honor of writing you, dear father, was dated 
the 4th of the month, from Philadelphia. I left there on the v 9th inst. 


with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and we arrived here on the 17th. We 
had a most agreeable journey, for he was so well provided with provisions 
of all kinds — viz., pates, wine, ham, and bread — that we never realized what 
miserable fare is to be found at the inns, where nothing but salt meat is to 
be had, and no bread. In Virginia they eat a cake made of corn-meal 
which is baked in front of an open fire. This process forms a kind of 
crust, but the inside of the cake is raw like dough. Their chief drink is 
" rhum," which is a kind of brandy made from sugar, which when mixed 
with water is called " grog." As the apple crop was a failure this year, 
they had no cider. About two hundred and fifty miles from here, in a 
part of Virginia which is called " the mountains," the character of the 
country is totally different, the soil is richer, tobacco is extensively culti- 
vated, and not only is wheat grown but ail other kinds of fruits. That 
section which is near the seaboard is called " the plains," and it only grows 
corn. The chief produce of Virginia is tobacco. This state (the largest of, 
the thirteen) could grow other staples if she wished, but the indolence and 
pride of the natives are stumbling-blocks to all progressive industry. It 
really seems as if the Virginians belonged to a totally different race of 
people, for instead of personally managing their farms, or attending to the 
business part of it, each land-owner wants to be a lord. No white man 
ever labors, but the work is all done by black slaves, guarded by white men 
who in their turn are under an overseer or superintendent, like in the West 
Indies. In Virginia there are about twenty blacks to one white man. 
That is the reason this state sends so few soldiers to the field. Business 
men, of course, are looked upon and considered quite an inferior order of 
being by the lordly planters, who, not looking on them as gentlemen, pre- 
clude them from their society. Th,ey (the planters) have mostly aristo- 
cratic tendencies; the only wonder is how they were ever induced to form 
part of a confederation or accept a government founded on perfect equality 
of rights. That same spirit, however, which prompted them to throw off 
the British yoke might lead them some day to other (rebellious) outbreaks, 
and I should not be at all surprised to see Virginia free herself from the 
other states, once peace is signed. 

I am even prepared to see the American government become a perfectly 
aristocratic one. We have no political news of any importance here. You 
have no doubt heard of the capture of Saint Christopher ; it is a beautiful 
possession the English have lost. The evacuation of Charlestown is much 
talked of here, as thirty transport ships had arrived there from New York 
to carry off the troops. Some forty or fifty sail had been sent there for the 
same purpose some time ago. Our political wiseacres differ as to the 


purport of this evacuation. Some think it is to concentrate all their forces 
at New York (this appears scarcely probable to me), others think it is to 
go to the rescue of Jamaica should she be in need of assistance. Since 
the capture and total dispersion of Monsieur de Guichen's fleet there can 
be no possible danger to apprehend in that quarter. I am strongly on the 
side of those who believe that Charlestown is not to be evacuated at all, 
as I doubt that General Clinton would so hastily decide on so important a 
matter without orders from the home government, which orders would be 
the result of a preconceived plan of action that could not possibly have 
reached here yet. 

The capture of a part of Monsieur de Guichen's convoy is a terrible 
loss to us, for, besides all the ammunition and stores with which his ships 
were laden (all of which can to a certain extent be replaced), we have 
lost what is more precious still — time which never can be made up, and 
we have failed totally in the expedition to Jamaica. Admiral Rodney 
arrived in the West Indies with ten ships of troops ; this of course makes 
his position infinitely superior to that of De Grasse, and may change the 
state of things considerably in that quarter of the globe. 

YoRKTOWN, 27th March, 1782. 

We left Williamsburg this morning — the Chevalier de la Luzerne, 
Monsieur de Rochambeau, and I — for a little journey of some five or six 
days' duration. We are going to Portsmouth, situated on the other side of 
the James river, and from thence we go to Cape Henry. On arriving here, 
as I learned that a little vessel was leaving to-morrow for Europe, I could 
not help sending this. 

To-day a ship arrived from Martinique, and by it we are told that no 
engagement has taken place between our fleet and the British, that this 
latter passed right through our lines to assist at Saint Christopher, but 
their efforts being repulsed they set fire to their transport ships, which 
Were carried by the wind toward our line directly stationed ahead of 
them, forced us to weigh anchor, thus affording the British fleet an oppor- 
tunity to escape. This certainly was a very clever trick on the part of 
Admiral Hood, but I cannot voiich for the authenticity of the bit of news. 
I have no doubt you have the facts by this time. The same ship assures 
us that Rodney has not yet arrived in the West Indies. 

Williamsburg, 27th May, 1782. 

We arc fearfully concerned over the news of an engagement between 
our two fleets off the Antilles. Our first information was of victory, but 


yesterday the news came through the English lines — that is to say, by a 
New York Gazette-^ -that the Ville de Paris, a vessel carrying one hundred 
and ten guns, commanded by De Grasse, had been captured with six 
others, and that we had been entirely routed ; which information seems to 
be authentic, for all the details are given, the ships are all named, and there 
is a list of the killed and the wounded. It surely cannot be a forgery on 
the part of the gazetteer. Such a defeat is hard to bear, and I note how 
easily discouraged we are. Our extreme joy over a victory or our sorrow 
at the slightest reverse tempts one to believe that we are little accustomed 
to any success whatever. The defeat is a serious one, and renders our 
whole campaign apparently useless. It gives the English a signal advan- 
tage over us in the West Indies, where, should they continue to be suc- 
cessful, they can do us much damage, and should a reinforcement of 
troops be sent them from Europe we might lose all our conquests. It is 
a defeat that sadly weighs on us, and will make us spend the balance of 
the campaign in entire inactivity. The heat is oppressive, and I leave you 
to imagine what it will be here during the months of July and August. 
We have no news from Monsieur de Lauzun ; we all await him with the 
greatest impatience (myself especially), and we begin to be seriously 
alarmed about him. 

Philadelphia, 8th August, 1782. 

The last time I had the honor of writing to you was on the 16th of 
July (also from Philadelphia). I was then with Rochambeau, who had 
given " rendezvous " there to General Washington, as he wishes to con- 
fer with him as to their future plan of operations. The result of this 
conference was that I was sent to Yorktown in Virginia on the 19th 
on a mission which was a secret then, but which now has become public 
property. I was to have our siege artillery shipped at once from West 
Point (eight miles higher up than Yorktown on the same river) to Balti- 
more by the Chesapeake bay. This operation demanded great secrecy 
as well as promptness in execution, as we only had one vessel of forty 
guns to escort the convoy under the eyes of the English, who with two 
frigates would not only have prevented our sailing out of the York river, 
but would have seized some of our vessels besides. I had a very heavy 
cold at the time I left, and all this heat and fatigue have rather 
added to it. As soon as I had everything in working order and the vessels 
started, I returned to report to Rochambeau who was stationed with his 
army at Baltimore, where I remained but a couple of days ; after that I left 
in the company of the Chevalier de Chatelna for this place (Philadelphia), 


where De Ja Luzerne loads me with attentions, with kindnesses, and affec- 
tionate courtesy. The army leaves Baltimore on the 15th and passes 
here to reach the North river. I shall await it here. I need the rest, and 
I really do not know a more agreeable or more comfortable house than this 
one to find it in. Our campaign this year will not be so brilliant as last 
year's. The defeat of Grasse, the dispersion of De Guichen's fleet, the cap- 
ture of the vessels intended for the West Indies expedition — all these dis- 
asters combined to make our plans fall through and disturb our prospects. 
The siege of New York is all that is left us to do in this country, and v/e 
are too weak to attempt such an enterprise, the success of which depends 
so much on our maritime superiority. We have not that. Admiral Rod- 
ney has settled that for us, for when chance gave it to us we did not know 
how to profit by it. We are expecting news from France at any moment. 
We have been told that the siege of Gibraltar is being projected ; until now 
only an unsuccessful blockade has been attempted. Should this difficult 
enterprise be persisted in, I am afraid that our campaign will be an inactive 
one, perhaps a few long and painfully fatiguing marches. I doubt me 
whether we shall take Gibraltar, as I fear that the Spaniards will justify 
the witty answer one of them made when he was told that this siege was 
like a second Troy : " Oh ! but the Spaniards are not Greeks." 

Although the heat here is great I seem to stand it very well. The 
drought this year has been extraordinary, so much so that all the little 
streams are dry and our soldiers have had the hardest time to find fresh 
water, which of course becomes a greater necessity than ever during the 
hot weather. 

Philadelphia, 17th August, 1782. 

On the 8th of this month the army was in Baltimore, a little town 
situated at the head of Chesapeake bay. It was to have marched on 
the 15th to the Hudson river, but the news which reached us from Eng- 
land by way of New York of the probability of peace has put off our 
march, and now we shall only start on the 20th to reach our first 
destination ; this is the result of a correspondence between our generals. 
To all appearances now we shall have but a fatiguing, hard campaign. 
The marches and the campings here in the fall are simply terrible ; 
as it rains almost incessantly, the roads are impassable. These diffi- 
culties will perhaps be the only enemies we shall have to fight this year. 
The news we have from England (for we have had none yet from France) 
announces that peace is imminent. England leans strongly in that direc- 
tion, if France is only moderate in her demands. This country asks 


nothing better, especially since the king of England has declared the in- 
dependence of the states, and Holland I think is not strong enough to 
wish to keep up the war. The English show less hostility toward Amer- 
ica than they did, since they have forbidden their partisans called the 
Tories or refugees to make incursions or inroads into the country without 
a permit signed by the officer in command of the place. All the prisoners 
have been sent back from England without any explanation as to their 
exchange. General Carlton, who is in command at New York, has apprised 
General Washington by a very polite letter that the king his master has 
granted the independence of the states, and that he has sent to Paris a nego- 
tiator with full powers to make a treaty, and proposes to General Wash- 
ington to enter into an agreement concerning the exchange of prisoners. 
All this seems strongly to indicate peace. We all think that if it is not 
already signed it will surely be during the course of the winter, which will 
permit us to sail in the spring. These expectations cause universal satis- 
faction ; they give me a pleasure I cannot express. The hope of seeing 
you, my dear father, again is a deepfelt one. 

Camp Crompond, 3d of October, 1782! 

We have been continually on the "march since I last wrote you, and 
I have had no opportunity to send you any news. The army crossed the 
Delaware and the Hudson, and encamped about ten miles from the latter 
and twenty-four miles from the island of New York. To all appearances 
we shall finish our campaign here and leave for winter quarters ; it is not 
generally known where, and I have no authority to tell you. 

Charlestown is evacuated, and consequently the English are not masters 
any more in the south. Their present possessions are limited, in fact, to 
Long Island, Staten Island, and New York. The evacuation of this latter 
place is much talked about. I do not think they have left it as yet. 
During Lord Rockingham's lifetime such a decisive step had been resolved 
upon, but everything seems changed. Our generals, though, believe that 
the evacuation has taken place, but I do not agree with them. I think 
two thousand men have been sent to the Antilles, and that their German 
allies, with the remainder of their forces, amounting to some ten thousand 
men, have been left in New York. Should the evacuation actually have 
taken place we have nothing more to do than to return to France. 

Although we have met with no foes to fight with, this campaign has 
been a. very rough one. After suffering much with the heat we are be- 
ginning now to feel the winter cold very keenly. I myself am very for- 
tunate in being able to stand the change of temperature ; in fact, I am 


all the heartier. I have a tent this year and a straw mattress, but am 
poorly supplied with blankets. My cloak, however, makes up for these 

BOSTON, 30th November, 1782. 

We left Hartford the 4th and arrived in Providence the 10th, where 
our stay was prolonged till the fleet could take us on board. I profited by 
this delay to make a run over to Newport (which is only ten leagues from 
Providence) to take leave of some acquaintances there. We left Provi- 
dence on the *4th and arrived here the 6th, and embarked at once. I am 
on board the " Brave," seventy-four guns, with Count Deux Ponts and our 
three first companies. Chevalier d'Amblemont, who is in. command of the 
vessel, behaved very badly during the engagement of the 12th of April; 
instead of obeying signaled orders he ran away, and when Monsieur de 
Bonzainville hailed him to make him give an account of so extraordinary 
a behavior, his answer was, " The fleet was lost,, and one vessel at least was 
going to be saved for the king." D'Amblemont is very amiable and very 
courteous, and has a splendid vessel ; and as I have a comfortable berth, 
and the table is capital, why should I complain because his bravery is the 
only thing at fault ? 

It now appears that we are going to the Cape to be placed under the 
command of Don Galvez. Surely it must be to attempt an expedition to 
Jamaica. Should the one to Gibraltar fail or succeed (as it has been lasting 
some five years), this Jamaica affair will be more expeditious, as it will be 
all settled before July, and on it depends our return to France. A very 
trustworthy person, who has had every opportunity of knowing, assured me 
that we shall not stay very long in the Antilles, and that in all probability 
we shall be in France next summer. We have no certain news as to 
whether the English have evacuated Charlestown or not. The uncertainty 
in this matter must appear very strange. It does seem extraordinary that 
having our army stationed only ten leagues from there we should be kept 
in ignorance of so interesting an event ; but the inter-communication in 
this country is so slow and so uncertain that we have to depend mostly on 
the New York Gazette for news. A mail express here bravely makes its 
eight leagues a day, but it really should make twelve or thirteen were the 
arrangements and the roads better. The evacuation of New York is still 
much talked of; the British themselves mention it, but I do not credit it. 
The rendition of such an important place will, of course, have its weight 
when it comes to treaties of peace. 

* There is a discrepancy in the text which makes it impossible to say whether the 14th or the 
24'ih is meant. 


Rochambeau left us at Providence ; all the army regret him and with 
reason. He left for Philadelphia where he is to embark on the frigate 
La Gloirc. I have handed him a duplicate of this letter, which no doubt 
you will be reading by the time this reaches you. It leaves by the frigate 
Iris. Baron Viomesnil commands the army now, and is to take us to the 
Antilles. He leaves us there and returns to France. I had already told 
you in my last that the Duke of Lanzun will remain in America with his 
legion. I had been told that the siege pieces were to have been shipped, 
but this plan is now altered; they will still be stored in Baltimore where 
there are some four hundred men (detached from various regiments) 
stationed there, and another four hundred sick in camp who hope to be 
well before spring sets in. There are about fourteen hundred ^under 
Lanzun's command who will probably have nothing to do till peace is 
declared. The duke and his legion are to be quartered at Wilmington, 
which is nine leagues south of Philadelphia. 

I cannot tell you, dear father, how much attached I am to the duke: 
he is the noblest and the most honorable man I have ever met. Amongst 
the equipments he had brought with him (and which by the bye have all 
been lost) were several things he knew I sorely needed, and which I had 
begged him to bring at least part of. He has never even told me what 
these articles cost him ; he merely says they were trifles, and not worth 
mentioning. If I should begin to enumerate all the polite and delicate 
acts of which I know of his, I should never finish. 

The whole army seems vexed at being ordered off to the Antilles. I do 
not like the idea myself. We were quite sorry to part with Rochambeau, 
who well liked by his men. They do not seem to feel that same attach- 
ment for Viomesnil. I ought to like him, because he shows me the utmost 
courtesy and regard. But the baron is a quick-tempered, passionate man ; 
he has not that precious gift % of self-control which characterized Rocham- 
beau, who was the only man fit to command here, and thoroughly capable 
of maintaining that perfect order and harmony which has always existed 
between two nations which are so different in their customs and language, 
and who at bottom, let it be said, do not really like each other. There has 
never been the slightest misunderstanding between our armies during the 
whole time that we have been together, though we have often had just 
cause of complaint. Our allies have not always acted nicely toward us, 
and our sojourn amongst them has neither heightened our love nor our 
esteem for them. Rochambeau himself lias often had occasion to be 
vexed with them, but he never varied in his conduct toward them. His 
example has been a powerful check on the army, and the severe discipline 


he maintained has kept every one within bounds, so that even the English 
and the Americans who have been witnesses of his strictness could not 
help but admire it. The wise, prudent stand Rochambeau had taken has 
contributed more to conciliate America toward us than four brilliant vic- 
tories could ever have done. 

Our fleet at Boston consists of thirteen vessels, the list of which I en- 
close ; they are to sail as soon as the wind changes. The English fleet of 
twenty-three ships left New York in two divisions : the first, consisting 
of twelve vessels under Admiral Pigot, left the 27th of October; the other 
division, consisting of eleven, left, it is said, on the 21st of the month. 
Now whether these will await us and capture us, or whether they will carry 
the tropps garrisoned in Charlestown off to the Antilles, are questions none 
of us can decide. Time alone will unravel all this. 

BOSTON, 21st of December, 1782. 

We do not know yet whether Charlestown has been evacuated. A 
Philadelphia gazette which has just come informs us that the English are 
building two new redoubts there, and the truce that had been asked for, 
which had been considered as a sign of the approaching evacuation, has 
been broken and the city still held. We go aboard to-night ; all the ships 
are in readiness, and if the winds are favorable we sail to-morrow morning. 
As soon as I reach the West Indies I shall send you news, and shall again 
have the pleasure of assuring you of my respectful attachment. 

Porto Cabello, South America, S. E. of Cura^oa, 
13th February, 1783. 

I am very well, although the trip was long and wearisome ; it reacted 
more on my mental than my physical condition. The .utter impossibility 
of finding an occupation, and of being shut up in the same narrow space 
with forty-five people was dreadful. A sailor's life is certainly a tiresome 
one, especially in the French navy. We lost the Bourgoyne carrying 
seventy-four guns, who went down with four hundred men aboard. 

The country we now are in belongs to the Spaniards. It is peopled 
with negroes, Indians, and Spaniards who are as dark-skinned as the 
Indians. We arrived here the night of the 10th, but with a scattered 
fleet. We have five ships here which came in four different arrivals several 
days apart. Three ships sought shelter in Curacoa, thirty leagues from 
here ; they could get no farther. There are three of them, Heaven knows 
where. We have not laid eyes on them for ten days. The first convoy 
of thirty-two sail that left Boston with us was lost by bad steering during 


three heavy windstorms off the coast of America. Of a second convoy of 
ten sail which we took at Porto Rico, only five entered the harbor of Cu- 
racoa ; the other five have no doubt been wrecked. They had followed in 
our wake till we reached the western point of this island; then, when we 
made for this place, Porto Cabello, the wind was dead against us, so that 
they no doubt were obliged to go to leeward. The ocean currents here are 
so strong that in one night we were carried some thirteen leagues from the 
spot we were in at sundown. It took us thirteen days to reach terra fir ma 
after leaving Cura^oa, only a distance of thirty-five leagues! It was just 
within sight of Curagoa that the Bourgoyne went down. We arrived here 
safe and sound at last, and that is saying a good deal. I could not have 
believed it possible, it seems so like a miracle. I do not know the reason, 
but the English never have the losses we do. 

Porto Cabello, ioth March, 1783. 
Porto Cabello is an ugly place, with no resources whatever. The port 
is superb, as vessels carrying eighty guns can safely enter her docks. It 
shelters fifty vessels, though with a little industry some one hundred could 
be accommodated. If Porto Cabello were in the hands of any other 
nation than the Spanish, it could be made into one of the finest harbors of 
South America, but the government willfully closes its eyes to its own in- 
terest. There is not a single instance where it has not hindered and stood 
in the way of its commercial prosperity. Business here only asks to be let 
alone, and it would soon be in a very flourishing condition. The govern- 
ment, they say, in order to attract settlers to the interior of the country, 
established the capital at Caracas, thirty-five leagues from here. It has a 
population of twenty-five to thirty thousand souls, and is a rather pretty 
town ; but the surrounding country remains as it was before inhabited 
solely by negroes and Indians, and in order to prevent Porto Cabello from 
making any further progress a law was passed that no building should be 
more than a story in height. 

Translated from the French by 



Editor of Magazine of American History : 

It may interest some of the patrons of your excellent Magazine of Ame?'ican 
History to know that the National Museum has recently received some original 
books and papers pertaining to the home life of General Washington. There are 
a number of account books of the manager -and overseers of Mount Vernon estate 
during the last ten years of Washington's life, several of them having indorsements 
in the handwriting of General Washington. In looking over the papers I was much 
pleased to find the original will of Lieutenant-Colonel John Washington, who with 
his brother Lawrence came to America in 1657. He was General Washington's 
great-grandfather. The will, supposed to have been irrevocably lost, is dated Sep- 
tember 11, 1675, and is witnessed by John Lord and John Appleton. The- paper 
is so old and tender that most of the seal of John Washington has broken off and 
been lost, only a small piece of the lower left-hand corner remaining. There are 
two closely written pages 13! by 9 inches each, and three lines on the third page 
followed by the signatures of John Washington and the witnesses, and beneath the 
signatures the words, " Proved by the oath of John Lord, John Appleton being 
deceased." On the fourth page, when folded, is the indorsement in the handwrit- 
ing of General Washington, " Will — L\ Col°. John Washington." 

A. Howard Clark, 

Curator of Historical Collectiofi in National Museum. 
Washington, D. C. 



" Cyrus W. Field, Esq., Gramercy Park, New York. 

Dear Sir : We, the undersigned, who have known you for many years, and some 
of whom have been long and intimately associated with you, desire to express to you 
and to your amiable and devoted wife our earnest and heartfelt congratulations on 
your golden wedding day, December 2, 1890. We earnestly wish you both many 
years of health and happiness, enjoying the fruits of your useful and well-spent 
lives, and seeing on every side the wide-spreading development of the submarine 
telegraph enterprise, in which you, Mr. Field, have labored so long, so zealously, 
and so successfully. 

This great work, pursued by you with unflagging energy and perseverance for 
many years, through the greatest difficulties and hindrances, has now become a first 



necessity of national and commercial life, and you have the profound satisfaction 
of knowing that its objects and its results are and ever have been peaceable and 
beneficent in their character. 

We ask you to accept this message of our good will and good wishes, which will 
be sent to you both over and under the sea. 

Very faithfully yours, 

Duke of Argyll, 

Archdeacon Frederic W. Farrar, 

Lord Monck, 

W. E. Gladstone, 

W. H. Russell, 

Douglas Galton, 

Marquis Tweeddale, 

F. A. Bevan, 

Sir H. D. Gooch, 

Professor Sir W. Thomson, 

Late P. M. Gen. G. Shaw Lefevre, 

J. Russell Reynolds, 

Sir John Pender, 

Sir James Anderson, 

W. Cunard, 

William Ford, 

Sir George Elliot, 

Sir George Henry Richards, 

W. Shuter, 

Henry Clifford, 


C. W. Earle, 
Catherine Gladstone, ' 
J. S. Forbes, 
Caroline R. Van Wart, 


Gerald Harper, 
William Barber, 
Sir George Grove, 
Jane Cobden, 
Thomas B. Potter, 
Charles Burt, 
Lady Margaret Anderson, 
Robert C. Halpin, 
Edward Satterthwaite, 
Frank H. Hill, 
J. C. Parkinson, 
William Payton, 
Henry Dever, 
Kenneth L. M. Anderson, 
Charles W. Stronge, 
L. M. Rate, 

Henry C. Forde, 

W. Andrews, 

H. Weaver, 

G. Von Chauvin, 

J. H. Carson. 

Sir Samuel Canning, 

Admiral Sir Richard C. Mayne, 

W. S. Cunard, 

Baron Julius Reuter, 

H. A. C. Saunders, 

G. W. Campbell, 

Lord H. M. Stanley of Alderley, 

Sir J. H. Puleston, M. P., 

George Cox Bompas, 

James Stern, 


Louis Floersheim, 

T. H. Wells, 

J. H. Tritton, 

W. H. Preece, 

C. V. De Sauty, 

John Muirhead, 

George Draper, 

Richard Collett, 

W. Leatham Bright, 

Latimer Clark, 

R. T. Brown, 

Lewis Wells, 

John G. Griffiths, 

Robert Dudley, 

Emily F. Lloyd, 

Ch. Gerhardi, 

W. T. Ansell, 

Sir Julian Goldsmid, 

John Chatterton, 

Lady Francts Baillie, 

Constance Wilde, 

B. Smith, 

John Temple, 

General Sir Montague McMurdo, 

Philip Rawson, 

Oscar Wilde." 



" To His Grace the Duke of Argyll, and others : 

Permit me to thank you for your congratulations to my wife and myself on the 
occasion of our golden wedding. It is very gratifying to know that our friends in 
the United Kingdom, whose many kindnesses in former years we can never forget, 
retain for us such a cordial remembrance. As you refer to the part I had in pro- 
moting telegraphic communication across the Atlantic, I may say that it has been 
the great satisfaction of my life to have done something to bring our two countries 
together. The ocean no longer separates us. 

Every hour of day and night messages are passing to and fro between Eng- 
land and America. This constant intercourse brings us into the relation of 
neighbors. In our daily conversations we seem to hear your voices under the sea, 
which, as they speak in the tongue wherein we were born, we recognize as the voices 
of our kindred, those of the same blood, to whom we are bound by the ties of 
nature itself. To have had a part in this work of peace and good will is indeed a 
grateful recollection. May this brotherhood of nations be continued when we are 
gone, and grow stronger from generation to generation. 

Thanking you again, and wishing you every good gift, 

Faithfully yours, 

Cyrus W. Field " 

SALA BOSWORTH, 1805-1890 

Sala Bosworth, who died in Ohio on Monday, December 22, 1890, was born in 
Halifax, Plymouth county, Massachusetts, September 15, 1805. He went to Ohio 
with his father in 18 16, and settled on a farm four and a half miles east of Marietta. 
He had only a common-school education, but his natural fondness for books and 
study made him a good classical scholar, and through his native artistic talent and 
studies he became an excellent portrait painter. To him we are indebted for the 
portraits of General Rufus Putnam, Judge Ephraim Cutler, Colonel Joseph Barker, 
and many others of the pioneers of Ohio, the most of which paintings are to be 
found in the city of Marietta. While taking lessons in painting in Philadelphia he 
saw the first locomotive brought to that city, and probably the first ever brought to 
America. The pictures of "Campus Martius," "Farmer's Castle at Belpre," 
" Wolf Creek Mills," " The Blennerhassett Mansion," and " Marietta at the Point 
in 1792," originally published in Hildrettis Pioneer History, and in other pioneer 
histories of Ohio, were all copied 'from drawings made by Mr. Bosworth from data 
furnished him by the pioneers. These pictures have been variously credited in 
later works, but rarely if ever to their real author. In 1833, his health becoming 


impaired, he gave up painting and engaged in mercantile business in Marietta, in 
which he continued for some years. In 1839 he married Miss Joanna Shipman, 
daughter of Mr, Charles Shipman of Marietta, and but a short time ago Mr. and 
Mrs. Bos worth celebrated their golden wedding. In 1846 he was elected auditor 
of Washington county, which office he filled by successive reflections until 1854. 
He was postmaster at Marietta nine years, from 1861 to 1870, receiving his appoint- 
ment from President Lincoln. Mr. Bosworth was for half a century a member of 
the Presbyterian Church, and filled successfully the office of elder and other respon- 
sible positions. His Christian character, gentle manner, genial and unselfish tem- 
perament endeared him to all who knew him. 

Mr. Bosworth's life in Cincinnati during the past eight years has been particu- 
larly pleasant, both from family associations and from city life in general, which 
seemed to have a charm for him in the advantages it afforded for sketching and 
painting, and observation. He was exceedingly fond of reading, and always well 
informed on all the topics of the day. Within a week prior to his decease he was 
engaged in his favorite pursuit, and had just finished with his accustomed skill two 
landscape paintings in water-colors. Mr. Bosworth leaves a widow, a daughter 
the wife of Major E. C. Dawes, and a son Mr. C. H. Bosworth, vice-president of 
the Illinois North and South Railway Company. 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Vol. XXV.— No. 2.-12 

i 7 8 



William cullen Bryant's letter 
to his mother announcing his mar- 
RIAGE in 1821 — " Dear mother: I 
hasten to send you the melancholy in- 
telligence of what has lately happened 
to me. Early in the evening of the 
eleventh day of the present month I 
was at a neighboring house in this vil- 
lage. Several people of both sexes were 
assembled in one of the apartments, and 
three or four others with myself were in 
another. At last came in a little elderly 
gentleman — pale, thin, with a solemn 
countenance, pleuritic voice, hooked 
nose, and hollow eyes. We went in and 
took our seats. The little elderly gen- 
tleman with the hooked nose prayed, 
and we all stood up. When he had fin- 
ished most of us sat down. The gentle- 
man with the hooked nose then mut- 
tered certain cabalistical expressions 
which I was too much frightened to re- 
member, but I recollect that at the con- 
clusion I was given to understand that 
I was married to a young lady of the 
name of Frances Fairchild, whom I per- 
ceived standing by my side, and I hope 
in the course of a few months to have 
the pleasure of introducing to you as 
your daughter-in-law, which is a matter 
of some interest to the poor girl, who 
has neither father or mother in the world. 
I have not ' played the fool and married 
an Ethiop for the jewel in her ear.' I 
looked only for goodness of heart, an in- 
genuous and affectionate disposition, and 
a good understanding, etc., and the char- 
acter of my wife is too frank and single- 
hearted to suffer me to fear that I may 
be disappointed. I do myself wrong — I 

did not look for these nor any other 
qualities, but they trapped me before I 
was aware, and now I am married in 
spite of myself. Thus the current of 
destiny carries us all along. None but 
a madman would swim against the 
stream, and none but a fool would exert 
himself to swim with it. The best way 
is to float quietly with the tide. So 
much for philosophy. . . . 
Your affectionate son, 

— From Parke Godwin s Biography 
of Brya7it. 

The presidential dinner party — 
Senator William Maclay in his journal, 
recently published by the Appletons, 
describes one of Washington's • dinners 
in New York in 1789: "First was the 
soup ; fish roasted and boiled ; meats, 
gammon, fowls, etc. This was the din- 
ner. The middle of the table was gar- 
nished in the usual tasty way, with small 
images, flowers (artificial), etc. The 
dessert was, first, apple-pies, pudding, 
etc. ; then iced creams, jellies, etc.; 
then watermelons, apples, peaches, nuts. 
It was the most solemn dinner ever I 
sat at. Not a health drank ; scarce 
a word said until the cloth was taken 
away. Then the President, filling a 
glass of wine, with great formality drank 
to the health of every individual by name 
round the table. Everybody imitated 
him, charged, glasses, and such a buzz 
of ' Health, sir,' and * Health, .madam,' 
and 'Thank you, sir,' and 'Thank you, 
madam,' never had I heard before. 
Indeed, I had liked to be thrown out in 



the hurry, but I got a little wine in my 
glass and passed the ceremony. The 
ladies sat a good while, and the bottles 
passed about ; but there was a dead 
silence almost. Mrs. Washington at last 
withdrew with the ladies. I expected 
the men would now begin, but the same 
stillness remained. The President told 
of a New England clergyman who had 
lost his hat and wig in passing a river 
called the Brunks. He smiled and 
everybody else laughed. He now and 
then said a sentence or two on some com- 
mon subject, and what he said was not 
amiss. Mr. Jay tried to make laugh by 
mentioning the circumstance, of the 
Duchess of Devonshire leaving no stone 

unturned to carry Fox's election. There 
was a Mr. Smith who mentioned how 
Homer described s£neas leaving his 
wife and carrying his father out of flam- 
ing Troy. He had heard somebody (I 
suppose) witty on the occasion ; but if 
he had ever read it he would have said 
Virgil. The President kept a fork in 
his hand when the cloth was taken away 
— I thought for the purpose of picking 
nuts. He ate no nuts, however, but 
played with the fork, striking on the 
edge of the table with it. We did not 
sit long after the ladies retired. The 
President rose, went up-stairs to drink 
coffee ; the company followed. I took 
my hat and came home." 


Origin of the word " Yankee " — 
It has always been understood by the 
writer that this word originated with the 
North American Indian's attempt to 
pronounce the word " English." In 
their patois they called the foreigners 
who arrived in the New England states 
the "Ynglys," which word was finally 
corrupted still further into "Yangys," 
and in . our own vernacular became 
"Yankees." This version is now dis- 
puted in an English newspaper, but no 
more satisfactory solution has been 
given. Can any of your historical 
readers throw light upon the matter ? 
If I mistake not it was once discussed 
in the note and query page of the 
Magazine of American History some 
years back. Washington Irving is quoted 
as giving its origin in the " Knicker- 
bocker ; " but the explanation that it 
was the Dutch way of pronouncing the 

name of a certain fish must have been 
intended as a joke. 

O. P. Q. 

Florence, Italy. 

Julius rodman — Editor Magazine of 
American History : Information is de- 
sired of Julius Rodman and his journey 
to the Rocky mountains in 1792, alleged 
to be the first white man to make the 
trip. An account of this appears in the 
early numbers of Burton's Gentleman's 
Magazine, published by William E. Bur- 
ton and Edgar Allan Poe (vol. vi.), 
Philadelphia, 1840. 

A. S. Hubbard, 

Secretary California Historical Society. 

San Francisco, Cal. 

Pennsylvania families — Would I. 
C. or some other Pennsylvania historian 
kindly furnish some information in re- 



gard to the Bailsman family of Allegheny 
and Washington counties, the Beltz- 
hoover family of Allegheny county, and 
the Antis or Antes family of Westmore- 
land county, Pennsylvania? Would some 

correspondent kindly furnish the names 
of the officers of the United States gun- 
boat Louisville > at the battle of Fort 
Donelson? J. E. R. 

Carondelet, Mo. 


The bladensburg dueling ground 
[xxv. 18] — The brief account of the 
Graves and Cilley duel, in the January 
(1891) number of this magazine, is per- 
fectly correct except the statement that 
the second of Mr. Cilley was George W. 
Jones, a member of congress from Ten- 
nessee. There was for many years before 
the war a member of congress of that 
name from Tennessee ; but Mr. Cilley's 
second was George W. Jones, a delegate 
in congress from what was then (Feb- 
ruary 24, 1838) the territory of Iowa, 
where he has ever since resided. He 
is the sole survivor among those who 
took any part whatever in that frightful 
tragedy. He must be nearly if not quite 
ninety years old. 

Horatio King 

Mother goose [xxiv. 482 ; xxv. 89, 
90] — Your correspondents who in the 
January issue write of Mother Goose s 
Melodies omit, as one man, any men- 
tion of the book which Mr. Whitmore 
has recently published through Damrell 
& Upham of Boston. He claims to 
show thereby that the common tradi- 
tion on the subject is all wrong, and that 
the Melodies can be traced back to a far 
distant epoch. W. Abbott 

Mother goose [xxiv. 482 ; xxv. 89, 
90] — Those who replied to this query 
in the January issue are respectfully 
referred to the little book published in 
October by Mr. W. H. Whitmore of 
Boston, giving the history of the Mother 
Goose Melodies. Mrs. Elizabeth (Foster) 
Vergoose was born in Charlestown in 
1665, and when she was a grandmother 
may have sung, or hummed, or whistled 
the Mother Goose nursery jingles to 
her grandchildren ; but the book of the 
Mother Goose Melodies printed in Bos- 
ton in 1825 by Munroe & Francis, who 
copyrighted it in 1833, was an enlarge- 
ment of one printed in or about 1785 
by Isaiah Thomas of Worcester, whose 
book was almost an exact reprint of one 
published by John Newbery of London 
about 1765. Newbery was the printer 
of Mother Goose's Tales, which was a 
translation of Perrault's Contes de ma 
mere I'Oye" originally issued at Paris 
in 1697. These and many interesting 
facts bearing upon the absurd though flat- 
tering story that the original of Mother 
Goose and the originator of her rhymes 
was a Boston woman may be read in the 
Boston Commonwealth for December 27. 

Dinah Sturgis 
Boston, Mass. 




TION held its seventh annual meeting on 
the 29th, 30th, and 31st days of Decem- 
ber, 1890, at Washington, D. C. There 
were present one hundred and seven 
members from different parts of the 
country, the largest number yet re- 
corded ; last year there were eighty- 
seven. There was also a large and sym- 
pathetic Washington audience at each 
of the six sessions of the association. 
While this convention was in progress 
four others of importance were also in 
session at the national capital — the 
American Society of Church History, 
the American Economic Association, the 
American Forestry Association, and the 
Geological Society of America. After 
every evening meeting the gentlemen 
members of the five conventions met 
socially in the pleasant rooms of the 
Cosmos Club, and there were other re- 
unions of special interest and significance. 

At the Historical Association some 
thirty-two well-considered papers were 
read, many of them followed by spirited 
discussions which were among the most 
interesting and valuable features of the 
occasion. The inaugural address of the 
president, Hon. John Jay, LL.D., which 
appears in another part of this maga- 
zine, was read by the vice-president 
Hon. William Wirt Henry, Mr. Jay hav- 
ing been prevented from attending the 
meeting, through an accident. Dr. J. G. 
Bourinot of Ottawa presented at the 
opening session a spirited historical 
paper entitled " Canada and the United 
States," and in the animated discussion 
which ensued Senator Hoar paid a 

generous and eloquent tribute to the 
people of Canada, and in an impressive 
manner stated his American conviction 
that Canada would come not by con- 
straint but by her own free will into the 
American Union, if she should ever 
come at all. The titles of all the papers 
read during the six sessions of the asso- 
ciation would be given here but for 
want of space. At the annual election 
the Hon. William Wirt Henry of Rich- 
mond, Virginia, was made president, the 
old board of officers was retained, and 
Mr. Henry Adams the historian chosen 
one of the vice-presidents. Felicitous 
speeches upon the progress of the asso- 
ciation were made in closing by Presi- 
dent Welling of Columbian university, 
Dr. Harris, and Dr. Edward Eggleston. 

The new york historical society 
held its annual meeting on Tuesday 
evening, January 6. The annual re- 
ports of the executive committee, treas- 
urer, and librarian were read. The so- 
ciety has no debts, no mortgage on its 
building or collections, and no outstand- 
ing bills ; the invested funds aggregated 
$75,973.29. The fund for the purchase 
of a new site and the erection thereon of 
a suitable building amounted to $264,- 
090.41. During the year 3,359 volumes 
of books, 3,585 pamphlets, 16 volumes 
of newspapers, 97 manuscripts, 43 maps, 
144 engravings, 15 photographs, 227 
broadsides had been added to the li- 
brary. It was resolved to take measures 
to celebrate in 1893 the two hundredth 
anniversary of the introduction of print- 
ing into New York. 



A curious commonplace-book kept 
by Samuel Sewall of Boston was pre- 
sented to the society. This book has 
forty-eight pages of verse, consisting of 
anagrams, epitaphs, and elegies on dis- 
tinguished men of New England, with 
an occasional amatory rhyme. 

The following board of officers were 
elected for the ensuing year : president, 
John A. King ; first vice-president, John 
A. Weekes ; second vice-president, John 
S. Kennedy ; foreign corresponding 
secretary, John Bigelow ; domestic cor- 
responding secretary, Edward F. De 
Lancey ; recording secretary, Andrew 
Warner ; treasurer, Robert Schell ; li- 
brarian, Charles Isham. 

The maine historical society held 
its regular meeting on the evening of 
the 1 8th of December, President James 
P. Baxter in the chair. The first paper, 
entitled " A Lost Manuscript," was read 
by the president, in which a most interest- 
ing account of the burning of Falmouth 
and the punishment of Captain Mowat 
was given. The second paper was read 
by Hon. George F. Emery, giving a 
full account of the political career of 
Hon. John Appleton when he was 
minister to Russia. Dr. John S. H. 
Fogg contributed a letter of General 
Peleg Wadsworth, giving data about the 
Penobscot expedition of 1779 ; and the 
Hon. James W. Bradbury, a brief bio- 
graphical sketch of James Loring Child. 

GRAPHICAL society, at its annual 
meeting, Friday evening, January 9, 
elected the following officers : presi- 
dent, General James Grant Wilson ; first 
vice-president, Ellsworth Eliot, M. D. ; 
second vice-president, Samuel S. Purple, 
M. D. ; secretary, Thomas C. Evans ; 
corresponding secretary, Rev. Roswell 
Randel Hoes, U.S.N. ; treasurer, George 
H. Butler, M. D. ; librarian, Gerrit H. 
Van Wagenen ; registrar of pedigrees, 
J. C. Pumpelly. Mr. Philip R. Voor- 
hees of New York read a paper on 
" New Jersey's Revolutionary Flotilla- 
men in New York's Waters," recounting 
the exploits of Colonels Elias Dayton and 
William Alexander (Lord Stirling) and 
Captain Adam Huyler and their men, in 
cutting out and capturing armed vessels 
and storeships from under the guns of 
the enemy's fleet and batteries ; also con- 
taining an account of similar exploits by 
Colonel William Crane, among them his 
captures of the armed ship Eagle and 
armed storeship, sloop Katy, lying within 
pistol shot of the Battery. The ad- 
dress was received with a cordial vote 
of thanks. William Rhinelander, Judge 
Horace Russell, Captain Richard Henry 
Greene, and others were elected resident 
members, and the Comte de Paris an 
honorary member. It was reported that 
two hundred and forty-three volumes 
had been added to the library during 
the past year. 




of terms and phrases current at different periods 
in American politics. By Charles Ledyard 
Norton. i6mo, pp. 134. New York and 
London : Longmans, Green & Co. 
A reduced but expressive copy of the real orig- 
inal " Gerrymander " on the cover of this attrac- 
tive little volume is no misleading hint at the con- 
tents. Our readers will recall the publication 
in our columns of Colonel Norton's Political 
Americanisms as at first prepared by him. The 
articles formed a series that ran through several 
successive numbers of the Magazine of Ameri- 
can History, and attracted wide attention and 
correspondence. They received the compli- 
ment of a long notice in the London Saturday 
Review, and were extensively pirated on both 
sides the Atlantic. The idea of making a dic- 
tionary exclusively of political slang was new, 
and involved a great deal of exploration where 
there were no guide-posts. The present volume 
does not by any means exhaust the field. No 
one who is at all familiar with politics can read 
it without finding suggestions of long-forgotten 
words and phrases, and it is to be hoped that 
future editions will preserve for ready reference 
the many odd and witty sayings that attain at 
least a passing popularity in every political 

DRAMA. From the earliest to the latest 
times. By William Echard Golden, A.M. 
i2mo, pp. 227. New York : Welch, Fraker 
& Co. 

Many a reader of the English dramatists will 
thank Mr. Golden for this concise treatment of 
a subject that might fill a dozen quartos in the 
hands of a verbose writer. The average news- 
paper reader generally knows that there was 
such a dramatist as Shakespeare, possibly he 
may have known of Ben Jonson; but of Beau- 
mont and Fletcher, Heywood, Massinger, Ford, 
Congreve, and scores of others, the chances are 
he never has heard, though the names of most of 
them have long been carved in the dusky niches 
of Westminster Abbey. The volumes are ar- 
ranged in the form of six lectures, treating suc- 
cessively of the era of magic or passion plays ; 
of Shakespeare's predecessors ; of the great 
dramatist himself ; of Ben Jonson and his fel- 
lows ; and of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- 
turies. The last chapter touches somewhat ten- 
derly upon more recent dramas and dramatists, 
and contains a deal of trustworthy information 
that one cannot readily find elsewhere. 

RACES AND PEOPLES. Lectures on the 
Science of Ethnography. By Daniel G. 
Brinton, A.M., M.D. i2mo, pp. 313. 
New York: N. D. C. Hodges. 1890. 

The lectures which appear in this volume 
were delivered at the Academy of Science in 
Philadelphia, in the early months of the year 
1890. Dr. Brinton has wisely gathered them 
into compact form for a wider audience. He 
aims to present the results of the latest and 
most accurate researches on the subjects treated, 
and has added references in foot-notes to a 
number of works and articles: which will enable 
the student to pursue his readings on any point 
in which he may be interested. There are 
many problems discussed in a clear and able 
manner, and the book will be found an exceed- 
ingly important contribution to the literature of 

cal Romance. By Philippe Aubert de 
Gaspe. Translated by Charles G. D. Roberts. 
i2tno, pp. 287. New York : D. Appleton & 
Co. 1890. 

The scene of this historical romance is laid in 
the eighteenth century, and gives many pictu- 
resque phases of life in the seigniories of Quebec. 
The style is quaint and unhurried, as if the 
product of perfect leisure. The narrative is 
direct and to the point, and yet digresses into 
delightful cross-channels of highly colored local 
tradition; it pictures the French Canadian people 
as they were in their early days, and throws 
a strong side-light upon the motives and aspira- 
tions of the race. In a literary point of view it is 
one of the best works of its character so far pro- 
duced in French Canada. It gathers up and pre- 
serves in permanent form the songs and legends, 
the characteristic customs, the phases of thought 
and feeling, the very local and personal aroma 
of a rapidly changing civilization. 


Being a brief sketch of the World's History 
from the third to the ninth century. By J. 
E. Symes, M. A. i6mo, pp. 139. Riving- 
tons, London (now Longmans, Green & Co., 
London and New York). 

It is interesting to know that the publishers of 
this useful treatise can point to an honorable 
business record, older and longer than that of 
any other English publishing house. The 
Longmans, under their own style and title, 

1 84 


date far backward and are the lawful and tradi- 
tional heirs of the Rivingtons, whose " booke 
shop " antedated theirs by near a generation. 
Professor Symes's work deals with the historical 
period that is rarely included in any educational 
curriculum ; namely, the decline of Rome, the 
rise of Christianity, and the beginnings of mod- 
ern Europe. There are, of course, abundant 
sources of information regarding these periods 
in the larger works of Gibbon and his suc- 
cessors, and to them the present author ac- 
knowledges his obligations. His special task 
has been to bring the more important facts 
within reach of the average student in a con- 
densed form. The fourteen chapters average 
about ten pages each and are models of con- 
densed writing, and each is followed by a sum- 
mary still further condensed, which admirably 
serves the purpose of review, and when used as 
a class-book must prove very useful to the in- 
structor. At the end of the volume are five 
maps, showing the changes in the geography of 
Europe during the period under consideration. 

Ellwanger, author of "The Garden's 
Story." i8mo, pp. 286. New York : D. Ap- 
pleton & Co. 

Something in the line of Ik Marvel's Rev- 
eries of a Bachelor, and Frederick Saunders's 
Salad for the Solitary, is this dainty volume, 
with its frontispiece etched by S. L. Smith, 
and its fourteen essays on the varied phases 
of an ideal home life. There is withal much 
that is practical mingled with the author's 
excursions into the realm of fancy. " If you 
leave the house to the architect, he builds mere- 
ly for himself — he builds his house, not yours." 
"One must build at least thrice to obtain 
the perfected dwelling." " To the most of man- 
kind a single venture is sufficient : only archi- 
tects build more than once for a pastime." Such 
are some of the excellent hints which the reader 
finds in perusing chapters that upon the whole 
are glimpses into dreamland. The title " Old 
Oriental Masters," for instance, covers a great 
deal of solid information about the manage- 
ment of floors, and the selection and beauties of 
Turkish, Persian, and other products of eastern 
looms. But why, O dearest author, do you mis- 
quote Dr. Holmes, on page 33, in order that one 
of his choicest verses may fit a prayer rug? It 
is very easy to misquote, however — we all do it 
sometimes ; and in view of the many other apt 
and correct quotations in the volume, we may 
cheerfully forgive this one slip. 

ough White, A.M. i6mo, pp. 66. Bos- 
ton : Ginn & Company. 1891. 
The author of this treatise tells us in his 
preface that it is an endeavor to prove the inde- 
pendent and organic development of American 
literature. He says he has often heard persons 
"otherwise well informed, speak apologetically, 
even contemptuously, of their country's litera- 
ture, as a mere pallid reflection of literary fash- 
ions beyond the Atlantic." He then proceeds 
to explain the origin of this misconception, and 
declares that "our literature has really devel- 
oped with admirable freedom, energy, and com- 
pleteness. It has not been dwarfed by those 
influences, nor have its epochs been cut short by 
those political and international complications 
that have so often thwarted mental progress in 
other lands. It shows the natural unfolding of 
intellect freed from old-world trammels, yet 
limited by the necessities of practical life." 
The aim of the study is evidently to show the 
intimate connection between our country's lit- 
erature and history, and the necessity of a 
knowledge of each in order to interpret the 
other. The author makes no attempt to give 
details concerning the lives of American au- 
thors, but devotes his work to discovering their 
position in our general literary history. 


MURVALE EASTMAN, Christian Social- 
ist. A novel. By Albion W. Tourgee. 
i2mo, pp. 545. New York : Fords, Howard 
& Hurlbert. 1891. 

This book is full of incident and felicitous 
interchange of thought and opinion in conver- 
sation, while borne along naturally on the mov- 
ing current of the story is a powerful discussion 
of Christianity and its relations to the turbulent 
questionings of the time, such as wealth, capi- 
tal, labor, speculation, etc. On the background 
of fact the author has aimed to trace certain 
characters, and point out a way for improving 
social and individual conditions ; but he pre- 
scribes no panacea for all evils, demands no 
tearing down for reconstruction. The people 
of the novel are chosen to represent genuine 
types — yet, like many of Tourgee's characters, 
they are peculiar enough to pique curiosity, and 
hold attention while they disentangle them- 
selves from their complicated "situations." 
The chief interest centres about Murvale East- 
man himself, who is a manly, generous-hearted, 
resolute young minister of " The Church of the 
Golden Lilies." He studies the labor problem 
by driving a horse-car and living with the men, 
going through a strike and a riot, and who final- 
ly gets the church in commotion by applying 
the words of Jesus and Paul to every-day life 
and church work. The story is a thrilling one, 
abounding in love scenes and romantic episodes. 



Vol. XXV MARCH, 1891 No. 3 


EVERY well-ordered government labors to throw about its financial 
department salutary checks as evidences of its faithfulness. In this 
respect the government of the United States has simply followed the 
example of the older nationalities, and it hardly need be added that if any 
new governments are to arise, having in view the welfare of their constitu- 
ents, they cannot be too prompt in formulating like action. 

In 1789 the Treasury Department of the United States received its 
organization, and the same year witnessed the appointment of its first 
comptroller. Soon, however, by reason of the rapid advance of the nation 
in material prosperity, together with the war with England in 1812, when 
the financial condition of the country was much disturbed, it was felt there 
was full need for further assistance in its monetary affairs, and another 
comptroller was added, entering in 1817 actively upon his duties. The 
subsequent increase in population, extension of commerce, and the appear- 
ance of those numerous forces which so largely contribute to the develop- 
ment of a nation called for a third, and still later a fourth, until now the 
accounting department of the United States may be said to consist of no 
less than four comptrollers, seven auditors, and one register, to whom with 
the treasurer the moneys of the nation are intrusted. 

The relations existing between the several comptrollers, auditors, and 
registers of the government have been well understood ; but what were 
the relations which the comptroller sustained to the secretary of the treas- 
ury for many years was a subject for wide differences of opinion. Although 
the comptroller was defined in the statute by which he was appointed as 
an independent officer, he was limited in his action to the performance of 
only such duties as were warranted by law. In the year 1823 Attorney- 
General Wirt gave it as his official opinion that the decisions of the comp- 
troller could not be questioned even by the President. His language was : 
" My opinion is that the settlement made of the accounts of the individ- 
ual by the accounting officer appointed by law is final and conclusive so 
far as the executive department of the government is concerned." This 

Vol. XXV.— No. 3.— 13 


opinion received many adverse criticisms, nor did the points at issue 
receive a final settlement till congress in 1868 affirmed that the position 
taken by Attorney-General Wirt was valid, and therefore for the future 
to be binding till such time as its decision should be rescinded. Accom- 
panying this action, however, was the proviso that no comptroller was to 
be so independent as to decline the reopening of a decision at the request 
of the secretary. 

Never did the nation require more wisdom, integrity, and faithfulness 
in the administration of its finances than in the recent civil struggle; nor 
was it ever called upon to devise more liberal means or face more serious 
embarrassments. Passing from the handling of a few million dollars 
anterior to the war, to the disbursing of thousands of millions before 
the struggle ended, was no insignificant transition. On the accession 
of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, the finances of the nation were liter- 
ally in chaos. Some seven months before, the secretary of the treasury 
attempted to borrow moneys for the running expenses of the govern- 
ment, but unhappily the confidence of the people was so unsettled as to 
the possibilities of the future, that out of ten millions of dollars asked 
for only a fraction over seven millions was offered. The result was that 
the secretary was forced to tide over the period previous to his resignation 
by selling treasury notes, payable a year from date, from six to twelve per 
cent, discount. In fact, at the close of the administration of President 
Buchanan, the public credit had become sadly depressed. In December, 
i860, when the national debt was less than sixty-five millions, proposals 
were solicited by the secretary for a loan to meet obligations falling due 
the following month for five million dollars, at such a rate of interest as 
might be agreed upon by lender and receiver. This request was met by 
the offer of less than two millions at the enormous rate of twelve per 
cent. ; while four hundred and sixty-five thousand dollars were rejected, 
because for its use from fifteen to thirty-six per cent, was demanded, leav- 
ing the remaining three millions to be finally accepted at the prescribed 
rate of twelve per cent. Under such auspices the nation was gradually 
drifting into the vortex of war, and quite blind likewise to the experiences 
so soon to be encountered ; the expedients employed later to meet the 
exigencies of the nation constitute the common property of history. 

At the close of the session of the thirty-sixth congress, in March, 1861, 
Mr. Chase, who had just assumed the duties of secretary of the treasury, 
extended an invitation to General Spinner to take the office of treasurer of 
the United States, a position increasingly responsible from the peculiarly 
disturbed condition of the nation, intensified by the possibilities toward 



which events were then rapidly drifting. At first General Spinner hesi- 
tated to assume the proffered offer, but after consulting with his more 
immediate friends he decided to accept. Accordingly on the 2lst of March, 
1861, he was confirmed and immediately entered upon the discharge of 
his onerous duties. 

What this position then involved never can be known till the numerous 
conflicting forces and factions arising from rapid increase of taxation, 
marked advances in the cost of living, internal intrigues, the greed and 
selfishness of men, the oft repetition of violence, the frequent negotiations 
for new loans, an impaired commerce, the almost open hostility of other 

the treasury building, washington, d. c. 

nationalities, together with those numerous uncertainties which are ever 
born of alternate victories and defeats, and which so surely affect the tem- 
per of a people, receive wise and judicial consideration. In reality the 
treasury was not only empty, but the credit of the government was far 
lower than that of any other great nation. For some years the annual ex- 
penditures had exceeded the revenues, and shifts were resorted to in order 
to make good deficiencies, which though affording temporary relief, in 
reality, however, merely increased the recurring embarrassments. Eight 
states, also, had adopted ordinances absolving themselves from further 
connection with the Union, three others were simply biding a favorable 
moment, while the loyalty of some of the border states was exceedingly 
questionable. What added to the darkness of the hour was the impossi- 


bility of obtaining loans beyond the sea, more especially since the foreign 
press was almost a unit in its antagonism with the government, and in 
multiple ways endeavored to weaken its influence. How General Spinner 
met these difficulties, and assisted in bringing the nation through one of 
the most exciting and perilous crises in its history, should be known to 
every lover of our common country as well as to pupils in political science. 

Governmental legislation in relation to finance at this period was beset 
with numerous conflicting difficulties. Schemes contemplating relief from 
financial pressure were frequently proposed by congress, and discussed 
with no little vehemence and seriousness. New conditions and complica- 
tions were constantly demanding new movements, and extraordinary ex- 
penses were requiring untried efforts. Each new loan was supposed to be 
the last, but as events determined otherwise the succeeding loan was beset 
with troubles which required the devising of some new plan to satisfy the 
lender and provide for its final payment. The part which Mr. Chase took 
at this crisis in the finances of the government should endear him forever 
to every patriotic heart. But his coadjutor General Spinner was none the 
less active and efficient. Though Secretary Chase has long been regarded 
as the father of the " greenbacks," their appearance as national currency 
was more the product of his advisors, of whom General Spinner was chief, 
than the result of his own individual act. He not only aided in their con- 
ception, but framed them, followed up the details of their execution, and 
in due time placed them at the disposal of the general government. Espe- 
cially was this true of the postal currency. A blank card in the centre of 
which a three, five cent, or more postage stamp was pasted by the hand, 
and on General Spinner's own desk, constituted the issue of this currency, 
till the engraver's skill could be sought and the printing-press utilized for 
its production. 

The national banking system, also, and the laws thrown about its estab- 
lishment were the outcome of what General Spinner conceived to be the 
duty of the hour as well as the requirements of the situation. Not that 
he was the friend of inflation and desirous of a double currency standard 
— this latter, in his judgment, was as illogical as a double standard for the 
measurement of lengths — but banks with a perfectly secured circulation 
made current throughout the Union were a necessity, and this a wise bank 
act would properly subserve. He believed national struggles should be 
met by national issues, based on the nation's honor and the nation's 

General Spinner's devotion to the many interests now on hand in be- 
half of the government was exceedingly marked. Through all the years 




of the war he never left his post for a single day. Indeed, his fidelity se- 
cured for him the memorable soubriquet " the watch-dog of the treasury.' 
Frequently he passed day and night within the treasury building, receiv- 


ing his meals from without, converting a little room in the rear of his 
office into a chamber for sleep. As congress held him responsible not 
only for a faithful performance of his own duties but likewise of all the 
clerks in his employ, he felt that the keenest vigilance was required not 
only to give efficiency to his department but to meet the demands resting 
upon him. When he assumed his duties as treasurer he found its work- 
ing force consisting of only twenty employees; and with this feeble band 
for months the multiplied labors incident to the war were carried on be- 
fore congress provided relief. His report dated December 2, 1861, closes 
with this significant statement: " and the further fact that this immense 
business has been conducted by the ordinary force of the office with 
accuracy, promptness, and dispatch, and to the entire satisfaction of all 
having business with the office, makes it unnecessary to say that all persons 
now employed have done their duty, and that some have labored beyond 
the endurance of most men." 

Preeminently was this true of himself. Owing to the immense increase 
and pressure of business which events were constantly occasioning, con 
gress soon saw, however, the need of supplementing the force in his depart- 
ment ; and in less than a year the services of three hundred and fifty 
were regarded in nosense as inadequate to meet the claims made upon it. 
One of his companions in the treasury, Hon. Hugh McCulloch, gives 
this testimony concerning him : " A more trustworthy, conscientious, up- 
right man than Francis E. Spinner never held an office under this govern 
ment or any other. Until I knew him I had not met a man with more 
disposition or capacity for hard work than myself. In General Spinner 
I found in this respect, as well as in many others, my superior. He 
worked constantly from nine to ten hours a day, and when business was 
unusually pressing his working hours were extended from twelve to fifteen. 
He liked the place, was familiar with its business to the minutest detail, 
and he should have remained in it until he was no longer able to perform 
its duties. His name should be inscribed high in the roll of honor for 
meritorious services at a time when the government was greatly in need 
of such services as he was able to render and heartily rendered." To 
this he adds that " his resignation was caused by a disagreement between 
himself and the secretary about appointments to his bureau. As he was 
a bonded officer, he thought, and correctly, that he should control the ap- 
pointment of clerks for whose acts he was responsible. He did control 
them when I was secretary, and he did under Mr. Fessenden and Mr. 

General Spinner resigned the treasuryship after fourteen years of ser- 


vice, June 30, 1875. As the exigencies of the war made heavy drafts for 
men capable of bearing arms, among others who enlisted were many in 
his own office. Since it was difficult to fill some of these vacancies, and 
believing that part of the required labor could be performed by women, 
going to President Lincoln he suggested that wherever it was possible 
they be appointed. At first his proposition met with opposition ; later, 
however, the objections were removed ; from that time to the present, the 
labor of women has formed an important factor in the business depart- 
ments of ,the government. 

It need scarcely be said that General Spinner was a devoted friend of 
the Union, and labored by argument, personal appeal, example, and with a 
free use of his means to crown northern arm's with the desired success. 
With" the immediate cause of the war he had no sympathy whatsoever. 
Liberty was man's birthright ; and if this birthright had been denied a race 
for many years, its restoration should be the more readily granted. He 
was far from agitating the question of slavery, though a firm believer in its 
abolition ; but when its continuance became a national issue, and the 
choice lay between the preservation of the Union and the loss of involun- 
tary servitude, there was no hesitation. As in his mind this was the real 
issue which the war presented, he promptly arranged himself on the side 
of freedom, and labored earnestly that all dwelling in the land should 
share its blessings, and the nation be forever freed of one of the darkest 
stains that has dimmed its history. 

It is related of him that when the capital was severely threatened by 
Confederate arms, realizing what such an invasion necessarily would in- 
volve, he immediately took active steps to remove the moneys under his 
control and to place them beyond the reach of the enemy. Accordingly 
a draft was at once made upon the post-office department for every avail- 
able bag, in which he proposed to place the moneys and hide them till the 
threatened danger had passed. Should it so happen that the line of forts 
protecting Washington should be taken, a tug was to be in readiness, 
loaded with treasure, and then headed down the Potomac, as this offered 
the only way out of the city. A long night was spent with his assistants 
in filling bag after bag with crisp greenbacks and coin till the vault of the 
treasury became literally exhausted ; in the meantime, a' squadron of 
cavalry was stationed at the door of the treasury to render such escort 
as the safe removal of the moneys demanded. The next morning, learning 
that the threatened invasion had been suddenly checked, the moneys were 
removed from the bags and returned to the vaults. This watchfulness 
and care are not equaled, however, by the fact that when General Spinner 


resigned his office as treasurer there was need that all the moneys be 
counted ; and a discrepancy occurring, on their recount the error was dis- 
covered, carrying with it the witness that of the millions which had been 
confided to his keeping not one cent had been lost. 

Our distinguished subject, Francis Elias Spinner, was born at German 
Flats (now Mohawk), New York, on the 21st of January, 1802. His father 
the Rev. John Peter Spinner was a native of Werbach, Baden. Possessing 
unusual qualifications for the ministry, after preparing in the gymnasium 
at Bishopsheim he entered the university of Mentz and became a graduate 
of the same. In his twenty-first year he was admitted to holy orders in 
the Roman church, and discharged the duties of a priest for twelve years. 
He became somewhat distinguished for the part he took in the funeral 
obsequies of Joseph II. and Leopold II. In 1800 he renounced his alle- 
giance to the Roman church, and became a Protestant. He then married, 
and shortly after sailed for America, finding a home as well as employ- 
ment in serving alternately the churches of German Flats and Herki- 
mer, New York, at " the yearly stipend of two hundred dollars in good 
and lawful money." Men still live who are proud to bear witness to his 
piety, integrity, scholarship, and intellectual acumen. At the close of an 
oration in which the liberties of America had been commemorated, he is 
said to have pronounced this unusual benediction : " The God of Isaac, and 
the God of Jacob, and the God of Washington bless you all." 

For some reason " Dominie Spinner " was unwilling that his son should 
follow him in his profession. It was accordingly arranged that he should 
learn a trade. But as the young man's inclinations strongly favored mer- 
cantile life, on leaving school in his sixteenth year he became an appren- 
tice to a confectioner in the city of Albany. He did not long remain in 
this position, as in less than two years afterward he was employed as 
saddler and harness-maker in the village of Amsterdam. 

As General Spinner over his own signature has given an account of his 
school life, and the formative experiences of so many of our honored and 
best men in the state and church are involved in obscurity, a free quo- 
tation may be of interest. The letter from which this extract was taken 
was written late in December, 1889, to ms life-long friend Mr. F. G. Berry 
of Herkimer. 

" I went to school in four different districts in the Mohawk valley 
. . . 'common schools ' they were designated by the statutes of the 
state of New York, and God knows they were common enongJi in every 
respect. The school-house and its surroundings were of the rudest kind, 
in some cases built of loefs with the interstices filled in with mud. The 



interior appoint- 
ments of it were 
in strict keeping 
with the exterior. 
Rough slabs with 
the bark turned 
down, with sap- 
ling clubs driven 
into t w o-i n c h 
auger holes for 
legs, constituted 
the bench -seats. 
Wid e boards 
nailed against the 
wall served for 
writing-desks. A 
cracked, rusty 
box-stove, whose 
rusty pipe ran out 
th r o u gh a tin 
plate that re- 
placed a pane of 
glass in the win- 
dows, was the 
heater. Deficient 
in light, and venti- 
lation there was 
— none save that 
which came 
t h r o u gh the 
cracks in the wall 
and through the 
window, where a 
pane of glass was 
missing and an 
old hat usually 
did duty in its 

And now 'the 
master.' He was, 



^ ^mM 


:li ;- - 

H ^ ■ \ ! 






as a rule, selected from the hands who worked on a farm in the sum- 
mer and taught school in the winter; not for the quantity or quality of 
his brains, but for his superior muscular development. His equipment 
consisted of a stout pair of coarse cowhide boots wherewith to discipline 
the big boys, a lot of rods, a heavy ferule, and a two-bladed pocket-knife 
— the larger blade used for the cutting and trimming of rods and switches, 
and the smaller one wherewith to make pens from quills out of the wings 
of a goose. A goose ! fit emblem of all that pertained to an old-time com- 
mon school in the Mohawk valley. Teaching in those days was principally 
by induction, and it was induced by rod and ferule from behind — a posteri- 
ori. Old King Solomon, 'the wisest of men,' made the law that governed 
the old-time common schools in the valley of the Mohawk. ' Spare not the 
rod,' was the edict at the home and in the school. ' Spare the rod and spoil 
the child,' came from the pulpit, the schoolroom, and the nursery. Perhaps 
this is the reason why I did not spoil, and that I am now at the age of 
eighty-eight years so well preserved. Farm-hands in those days received 
eight dollars a month and board. When employed in the winter as teach- 
ers they sometimes managed to get a little more, but they were obliged to 
' board around ' with the parents of their pupils. The board usually con- 
sisted of johnny-cake for breakfast; corned beef and cabbage, or pork and 
sauerkraut, for dinner; and sepawn and milk for supper; the lodging a 
4 shake-down ' in the garret. Webster's spelling-book, Columbian reader, 
English reader, Daboll arithmetic, and Lindley Murray's grammar were the 
books mostly in use in those far-off days. The Bible was read in some 
schools where the New England sentiment was dominant. My father, a 
clergyman, protested against the use of the Old Testament in schools in his 
neighborhood, and it was thrown out as a book unfit for youth to read. 
The routine of the school exercises of that day was to commit to memory 
passages from the books, the meaning of which the pupil had no more 
conception of than Nicodemus had of the second birth. I recollect this 
was read at a school examination : ' as wise as a serpent and as harmless as 
a dove.' The question was asked, ' What is a serpent and what is a dove ? ' 
Not one in the class could answer either question. The little fellows 
were delighted when told that one was a snake and the other a pigeon. 
They were taught only to read, not to understand. 

I remember having been taught to commit to memory this rule in 
grammar: ' A verb must agree with its nominative case in number and 
person.' Well, I wondered what kind of a case a nominative case was, 
and I had been taught by my pious father that the hairs of my head were 
numbered, but I could not comprehend why a person should have a num- 


ber ; and to this day the whole matter is just about as clear as mud to my 
mind. All that I know about English grammar I learned after I had 
served an apprenticeship at two different mechanical trades. After study- 
ing in several very common schools, I finally was graduated from district 
number one in the village of Herkimer. I had been highly educated in 
ignorance, for I had not learned that I did not know anything." 

On leaving the village of Amsterdam General Spinner returned to 
Herkimer to become a clerk, and in his twenty-second year began busi- 
ness in his own name. Five years later, 1829, he was made deputy sheriff 
of the county, which position he held five years, when he was elected 
sheriff, holding this office three years. During this period he acquired 
that taste for public life which followed him all through his later life. 
Having a fondness for military affairs, in 1834 he became quite prominent 
in organizing the twenty-sixth regiment of New York state artillery, and 
was elected to, and held in succession, all the intermediate grades up to 
the rank of major-general of the third division. In 1838 his interest in 
public concerns led Governor Marcy to appoint him one of the commis- 
sioners for building the state hospital at Utica, a trust he discharged 
with unusual fidelity and acceptableness. When the Whig party came 
into power, shortly after the erection of this building, political influences 
were soon in motion questioning in a measure the faithfulness of those to 
whom this service had been intrusted. General Spinner courted at once 
an investigation, and voluntarily laid before the committee every paper 
and voucher to assist them in their purpose. After a month's examina- 
tion in which lawyers and experts were engaged, it was discovered that not 
only were his accounts absolutely correct, but the state was his debtor — 
an amount it has yet to pay. As Herkimer was now his home, the Mo- 
hawk valley bank in the village, recognizing his integrity and business 
abilities, called him to its cashiership, the duties of which he filled with 
such acceptance as to be promoted at a later period to its presidency. 

In 1845 General Spinner was appointed auditor and deputy naval offi- 
cer of the port of New York, holding the position for four years. In 1854 
he was elected on the Democratic ticket to represent the seventeenth dis- 
trict of New York in the thirty-fourth congress. In this congress he was 
a member of several important committees, including that of " privileges 
and elections." As this congress made itself somewhat memorable by 
failing for an entire winter to effect an.organization of the house, and some 
of the circumstances connected with it are of unusual interest, let the gen- 
eral himself give this portion of its history as penned by his own hand to 
its surviving members, at a reunion held in March, 

: 9 6 



" By mere accident I became the humble instrument in keeping our 
ranks solid, and of bringing about the happy result of that election [Banks 
for speaker]. I desire to relate the incident through which it was effected. 
I was the only member of that congress who had been nominated and 
elected to it by the regular organization of the Democratic party who 
voted for Banks. Being an out-and-out Free Soiler, and hence strongly 
opposed to the extension of slavery into free territory, I refused to attend 
the Democratic congressional caucus for the nomination of the officers of 
the house of representatives, and thus was left free to vote for an anti-slav- 
ery extension man for speaker. For obvious reasons I declined to attend 
the caucuses of the opposition party. After the nomination of General 
Banks for speaker, I refused to go to his room, although I passed his door 
at Willard's, where we both boarded, many times every day during the two 
months' struggle for the election of a speaker. For a time I voted for 
several anti-slavery extension Democrats for speaker, but finally joined 
those who voted for General Banks. On the night of the first of February, 
when Governor Aiken had received three more votes than were cast for 
Banks, and when it was evident the plurality resolution would be adopted 
the next morning, in coming from my room late in the evening to mail my 
letters I came in contact with a number of our friends near the door of 
General Banks's room. Edwin B. Morgan, a member from the Cayuga dis- 
trict of New York, caught hold of me and urged me to go into General 
Banks's room. I declined to do so, but was overpowered by four or five 
other members from our state of New York, who joined Mr. Morgan in 
rushing me into General Banks's room. 

I was astonished to find there quite a number of members who had for 
a long time voted for Banks for speaker. Stanton of Ohio had the floor. 
He ceased speaking on account of the noise and confusion caused by the 
entrance of the mob that thrust me into the room. After order was partly 
restored, Mr. Stanton resumed by saying: 'As I stated before, some of us 
think that Mr. Banks should decline to be a candidate, and should name 
the candidate to be supported on to-morrow.' I was aroused to the threat- 
ening danger at once, and sang out: 'What's going on here?' I knew 
enough of tactics to see the danger of changing front on the face of an 
enemy, or as Lincoln put it, ' It's dangerous to swap horses in the middle 
of a stream.' The thought of coming defeat made me very angry, and I 
said in a loud and emphatic manner: 'Let come what will, let who vote 
for whom he will, as for me, so help me God, I shall vote for Nathaniel P. 
Banks until a speaker shall be elected.' Then I forced my way out and 
slammed the door after me with a loud bang. . . . The so-called com- 


mittee returned to the National Hotel and reported to the meeting the 
result of their mission to the friends of General Banks at Willard's. There- 
upon many members who had voted continuously for Banks declared most 
emphatically that they would vote for Banks until a speaker should be 
elected. This quelled the rebellion, and there was no further effort to 
change our candidate, and it became apparent that either Banks or a 
Democrat would be elected. The happy result of the next day's vote is 
known to you." 

General Spinner was a member also in the same congress of the com- 
mittee on elections which had under consideration the contested Kansas 
seat, and of the special committee appointed to investigate the assault of 
Preston Brooks of South Carolina upon Senator Sumner of Massachusetts, 
also of the committee of conference which secured for itself a national 
reputation by agreeing to disagree on the army appropriation bill. Con- 
temporaneous with the session of this congress, the Republican party came 
into existence; and though General Spinner had been elected to his seat by 
the Democratic vote, as the policy, however, which his party pursued did 
not accord with his sincere conviction, he withdrew from its ranks only to 
be renominated by the Republicans of his district for the same position, 
and for two consecutive terms was reelected by larger majorities, with a 
single exception, than were received by any of his associates. In the 
thirty-fifth congress General Spinner was placed on the committee of 
accounts, and during his membership of the thirty-sixth congress Speaker 
Pennington honored him with the chairmanship of this same committee. 
His congressional career covered the period from December 3, 1855, to 
March 3, 1861. 

As General Spinner was thus a member of the house several years im- 
mediately preceding the civil war, he necessarily became very familiar with 
the numerous events that were gradually unfolding, and which finally pre ; 
cipitated the memorable struggle. In this contest he played no insignifi- 
cant part. Not that his voice was heard frequently in debate in the house 
or even upon the stump ; the committee room became the arena for his 
faithfulness, integrity, and wisdom. What others suggested he very often 
framed, giving points and facts which subsequently proved to be a basis 
for action. 

In this same room no one remained in doubt either as to his purpose 
or conviction. If partial or class legislation was introduced, or bills affect- 
ing the unity or honor of his country, the undesirableness of sucli action was 
at once pointed out and received from him the most determined opposi- 
tion. All party lines were but gossamer threads whenever they affected 


principles or militated against national interests. Party had its purpose, 
but fundamental truth should ever be recognized, and recognized to in- 
fluence and prevail. His devotion to his country came from no desire for 
emolument, but from a deep admiration of its Constitution and what it 
aimed to promote. A patriot and a politician were not correlatives ; he 
held to the one and despised the other. American institutions were of too 
great value to the nation and the world at large to be used for human 
aggrandizement : they were ladders to a kingly service — the betterment of 
our common but much enslaved humanity. He believed that America 
was rapidly shaping the destinies of many of the downtrodden peoples of 
the earth, and therefore all sinister motives connected with the adminis- 
tration of its laws, all selfish and mere party legislation, should be promptly 
resisted ; nor should anything whatsoever affecting her prosperity or in- 
tegrity receive the least toleration. 

General Spinner was a talker, not a speaker, and his judgment of men 
very accurate. It did not take him long to separate the false from the 
true and to divine a purpose as well as a principle. At times his lan- 
guage was vehement, but his honesty and sincerity were plainly apparent. 
In tenderness and sympathy his heart was in reality the heart of a child ; 
it would sooner cease beating than conceive a wrong. The poor had in 
him a true friend, and his resources were always open to their honest 
needs. Not a few of the appointees in his office were from the large class 
of wounded soldiers, whose services he looked upon as worthier recom- 
mendations than simply political backing. Very few lived more truly the 
motto, " Do ye unto others as ye would have others do to you." In his 
manner he was brusque, but no one ever left his presence feeling offense. 
He was strong and abiding in his convictions, yet cheerfully yielded his 
opinion wherever he saw reason for change. At times his enthusiasm 
would kindle into a flame. On one occasion he rushed into the cashier's 
room in the treasury, and in tones quivering with emotion called out to all 
within the cnamber, " Put that cash into the vault, boys, and get out from 
here as soon as you can. I want you all to yell ! We've got Richmond." 

Method had for him many attractions, since he found it yielding him 
many fruits. He made a record of every important transaction, whether 
public or personal' in its character. When a friend was surprised at his 
marvelous ease in recalling events, he observed, " It has been my cus- 
tom to keep a record of everything, and I have a whole garret full of 
note-books in which is recorded every cent that I ever received or paid 
out since I was a boy over eighty years ago." His signature was unique 
and is a marvel among autographs. The paragrapher has suggested 


whether, in the absence of more active bait, it could not be utilized by the 
piscatorial profession in alluring the slumbering fish of the deep. Be this 
as it may, it has defied the skill of the forger and long since taken high 
rank for complicated yet symmetrical penmanship. His own history of it is : 
" I first practiced it while in the sheriff's office about 1835 ; I used it while 
commissioner for building the asylum at Utica, and as cashier and presi- 
dent of the Mohawk valley bank, and for franking while in congress. It 
was brought to its highest perfection when I was treasurer." 

His desire for knowledge followed him far into age, scientific research 
being his favorite study. After he had entered his eightieth year he 
became a vigorous student in Greek, and so long as his sight remained un- 
impaired he passed many hours in some form of intellectual labor. But 
no love for knowledge was allowed to interfere with his physical well-being. 
He attributed his long life to systematic exercise and recreation, fishing 
and rowing being his special pleasures. He never lost his love for nature, 
in the open air, trees, shrubs ; flowers were always his friends, and he loved 
their silent teaching. His religious creed was very brief, but that brevity 
included the authority of God, and a need for other salvation than what 
man could devise. He passed the closing years of his life in the sunny 
land of Florida, living in a tent that he might the more enjoy its balmy air. 
The irritation of a pair of spectacles ripened into a cancer upon the nose, 
and after suffering most heroically, terminated his life, December 31, 1890. 
Had his valued life been prolonged three weeks he would have rounded 
out eighty-nine eventful years, a period covering nearly all the important 
events in the history of his country after it had become a separate nation- 
ality. He was buried with military honors, and laid away for his final rest 
amid the very scenes where his youth and many of his maturer years were 
passed — scenes to him fairly fragrant with the most valued associations. 



The Native Races being my first book, persons have asked me if it paid 
pecuniarily ; and when I answered " No" they seemed at a loss what to 
make of it. Samuel Johnson says: " No man but a blockhead ever wrote 
except for money." I will admit myself a blockhead to the extent that I 
did not write for money, but not so great a one as not to know, after a 
publishing experience of a quarter of a century, that work like mine never 
returns a money profit. And with due deference to the learned doctor 
I hold rather with John Stuart Mill, who says that "the writings by 
which one can live are not the writings which themselves live, and are 
never those in which the writer does his best. Books destined to form 
future thinkers take too much time to write, and when written come in 
general too slowly into notice and repute to be relied on for subsistence." 
Or as Mrs. Browning more tersely puts it, " In England no one lives by 
books that live." 

Business experience had taught me that the immediate recognition, 
even of a work of merit, depends almost as much on the manner of bring- 
ing it forth as upon authorship. So easily swayed are those who pass 
judgment on the works of authors, so greatly are they ruled by accidental 
or incidental causes who form for the public their opinion, that pure sub- 
stantial merit is seldom fully and alone recognized. I do not mean by 
this that the better class of critics are either incompetent or unfair, that 
they cannot distinguish a meritorious work from a worthless one, or that 
having determined the value of a production in their own minds they will 
not so write it down. Yet comparatively speaking there are few reviewers 
of this class. Many otherwise good journals, both in America and in 
Europe, publish miserable book notices. 

Experience had told me that a book written, printed, and published at 
this date on the Pacific coast, no matter how meritorious or by whom sent 
forth — that is to say, if done by any one worth the castigating — would surely 
be condemned by some and praised coldly and critically by others. There 
are innumerable local prejudices abroad which prevent us from recognizing 

* Extracts from the autobiographical reminiscences and comments of Hubert Howe Bancroft, 
in the thirty-ninth and last volume of his vast historical work. 
Vol. XXV.-No. 3.-14 


to the fullest extent the merits of our neighbor. Least of all would a 
work of mine be judged solely upon its merits. Trade engenders com- 
petition, and competition creates enemies. There were hundreds in Cali- 
fornia who damned me every day, and to please this class as well as them- 
selves there were newspaper writers who would like nothing better than 
by sneers and innuendoes to consign the fruits of laborious years to obliv- 
ion. " This man is getting above his business," some would say. " Because 
he can sell books he seems to infer a divine mission to write them. Now, 
it may be as well first as last for him to understand that merchandising 
and authorship are two distinct things ; that a commercial man who has 
dealt in books as he would deal in bricks, by count, weight, or dollars' 
worth, cannot suddenly assume to know all things and set himself up as a 
teacher of mankind. He must be put down. Such arrogance cannot be 
countenanced. If writing is thus made common our occupation is gone." 
All did not so feel ; but there was more of such sentiment behind editorial 
spectacles than editors would admit even to themselves. 

To local fame or a literary reputation restricted to California, I did not 
attach much value. Not that I was indifferent to the opinions of my 
neighbors, or that I distrusted Pacific coast journalists as a class. I had 
among them many warm friends whose approbation I coveted. But at 
this juncture I did not desire the criticism either of enemies or friends, 
but of strangers ; I was desirous above all that my book should be first re- 
viewed on its merits and by disinterested and unprejudiced men. . . . 
By the verdict of the best men of the United States, of England, France, 
and Germany, the world's ripest scholars and deepest thinkers, my 
contributions to knowledge must stand or fall, and not by the wishes of my 
friends or the desire of my enemies. This is why, I say, a home reputa- 
tion alone never would have satisfied me, never would have paid me for my 
sacrifice of time, labor, and many of the amenities of life. . . . To 
reach these results required a journey to the Eastern states. . . . My 
first work was ready for publication, and on its reception would depend in 
a measure my whole future. Not that the failure of the Native Races to 
sell would have discouraged me. This was the least that troubled me. It 
was altogether a secondary matter whether copies of the book were sold 
or not. I merely wished to assure myself whether mine was a good work 
well performed, or a useless one poorly done. I would have the book 
issued by first-class publishers in New York and Europe, for it must bear 
upon it the stamp of a first-class publication, but the people might buy it 
or not as they pleased. That was not what concerned me. 

Crabbe was not more timorous in asking the generous Burke to look at 


his verses than I in begging critics to glance at my productions. Not 
every one can understand the feeling. Not every one would hesitate to 
show a book of which one might be proud, to men interested in such books. 
But there was the trouble with me. I did not feel sure that my work was 
sufficiently meritorious to awaken their interest, that I had done anything 
to be proud of, and I did not know whether or not they would be inter- 
ested. It came up to me as a species of beggary in which to indulge was 
worse than starvation. I must appear before these literary lords as a 
western adventurer, or at best a presumptuous litterateur, coveting their 
praise — a role I despised above all others. I must appear as one asking 
favor for a product of his brain so inferior in quality that if left to itself it 
could not stand. But there was behind me work piled mountain high, 
and for the sake of the future I would undertake the mission. . . . 

I set out on my pilgrimage the 3d of August, 1874,- taking with me my 
daughter Kate to place in school at Farmington, Connecticut. After a 
few days' stay at Buffalo with my two sisters, Mrs. Palmer and Mrs. Tre- 
vett, I proceeded to New York. . . . Besides seeking the countenance 
and sympathy of scholars in my enterprise it was part of my errand to 
find a publisher. . . . At the New Haven railway station I encoun- 
tered President Gilman, to whom I made known the nature of my mission 
and asked if he deemed it the proper thing for me to do. He thought 
that it was, and named several persons whom I must see. Further than 
this, he spoke of a meeting of the scientific association to be held in Hart- 
ford the following Tuesday, and advised me to attend, saying that he 
would be there and would take pleasure in introducing me to those 
whose acquaintance might be advantageous. I thanked him and we 
parted. . . . 

In Hartford on Tuesday President Gilman introduced me to Professor 
Brewer of Yale, Dr. Asa Gray of Hartford, and others. He also spoke of 
me to several, among whom was Mr. Warner of the Courant, who, when I 
called upon him subsequently, treated me with scarcely anticipated kind- 
ness. I was then in a humor to be won for life by any man who would 
take the trouble. It may seem weak this super-sensitiveness, but I was in 
a feverish state of mind, and my nerves were all unstrung by long labor. 
I was callous enough to ignorance and indifference, for amongst these I 
had all along been working; yet intelligent sympathy touched me, and Mr. 
Warner's manner was so courteous, and his words so encouraging, that 
they sank at once into my heart where they have remained ever since. 
He entered warmly into my plans, gave me strong, decided letters to sev- 
eral persons, which proved of the greatest advantage, and on leaving his 


office I carried with me the benediction which I know came from an 
honest pen. " God bless such workers ! " . . . It was my intention to 
ask Eastern scholars to examine my book and give me an expression of 
their opinion in writing; but in talking the matter over with Dr. Gray he 
advised me to delay such request until the reviewers had pronounced their 
verdict, or at all events until such expression of opinion came naturally 
and voluntarily. This I concluded to do, though at the same time I could 
not understand what good private opinions would do me after public 
reviewers had spoken. Their praise I should not care to supplement with 
feebler praise ; their disapprobation could not be averted after it had been 

And so it turned out. What influence my seeing these men and pre- 
senting them copies of my book had on reviewers, if any, I have no means 
of knowing. Directly, I should say it had none ; indirectly, as for exam- 
ple a word dropped upon the subject, or a knowledge of the fact that the 
author had seen and had explained the character of his work to the chief 
scholars of the country, might make the reviewer regard it a little more 
attentively than he otherwise would. On receipt of the fifth volume of 
the Native Races Dr. Gray wrote me : " I am filled more and more with 
admiration of what you have done and are doing ; and all I hear around 
me, and read from the critical judges, adds to the good opinion I had 
formed." Dr. Gray gave me letters to Francis Parkman, Charles Francis 
Adams, and others. While at Cambridge we called on Mrs. Horace 
Mann, but she being ill, her sister, Miss Peabody, saw us instead. With 
eloquence of tongue and ease and freedom she dissected the most 
knotty problems of the day. James Russell Lowell lived in a pleasant, 
plain house, common to the intellectual and refined of that locality. Long- 
fellow's residence was the most pretentious I visited, but the plain, home- 
like dwellings within which was the atmosphere of genius or culture, were 
most attractive to me. How cold and soulless are the Stewart's marble 
palaces of New York beside these New England abodes of intellect with 
their chaste though unaffected adornments ! Lowell listened without say- 
ing a word ; listened for three or five minutes, I should think, without a 
nod or movement signifying that he heard me. I was quite ready to take 
offense when once the suspicion came that I was regarded as a bore. 

"Perhaps I tire you," at length I suggested. "Pray go on," said he. 
When I had finished he entered warmly into the merits of the case, made 
several suggestions, and discussed points of difference. He bound me to 
him forever by his many acts of sympathy then and afterward, for he never 
seemed to lose interest in my labors, and wrote me regarding them. What, 


for example, could have been more inspiring at that time than to receive 
from him shortly after my return to San Francisco such words as these: 
" I have read your first volume with so much interest that I am hungry for 
those to come. You have handled a complex, sometimes even tangled 
and tautological subject with so much clearness and discrimination as to 
render it not merely useful to the man of science but attractive to the 
general reader. The conscientious labor in collecting, and the skill shown 
in the convenient arrangement of such a vast body of material, deserve 
the highest praise." . . . 

Wednesday, the 26th of August, after calling on several journalists in 
Boston, we took the boat for Nahant to find Mr. Longfellow, for he was 
absent from his home at Cambridge. Neither was he at Nahant. And 
so it was in many instances, until we began to suspect that most Boston 
people had two houses, a city and a country habitation, and lived in neither. 
From Nahant we went to Lynn, and thence to Salem, where we spent the 
night undisturbed by witches, in a charming little antique hotel. During 
the afternoon we visited the rooms of the scientific association, and in the 
evening Wendell Phillips, who gave me a welcome that did my heart 
good. A bright, genial face, with a keen, kindly eye, and long white hair, 
a fine figure, tall but a little stooped, I found him the embodiment of 
shrewd wisdom and practical philanthropy. There was no cant or fiction 
about him. His smile broke upon his features from a beaming heart, and 
his words were but the natural expression of healthy thoughts. He com- 
prehended my desires and necessities on the instant, and seating himself 
at his table he dashed off some eight or ten letters in about as many 
minutes, keeping up all the time a rattling conversation, neither tongue 
nor pen hesitating a moment for a word ; and it was about me and my 
work and California and whom I should see, that he was talking. Nor 
was this all. Next morning in Boston he handed me a package of letters 
addressed to persons who he thought would be interested in the work, 
and whose names had occurred to him after I had left. . . . 

John G. Whittierwas a warm personal friend of Phillips, and to him 
among others the latter sent me. We went to Amesbury where the poet 
resided, the day after meeting Phillips in Boston — a frank, warm-hearted 
Quaker, living in a plain, old-fashioned village house. He gave me letters 
to Longfellow, Emerson, and Dr. Barnard. . . . Informed that Pro- 
fessor Henry Adams, editor of the North American Review', was staying a 
few miles from Salem, I sought him there but unsuccessfully. Next day 
I met accidentally his father, Charles Francis Adams, to whom I expressed 
regrets at not having seen his son. He said he would speak to him for me, 


and remarked that if I could get Francis Parkman to review my book in 
the North American it would be a great thing for it, but that his health 
and preoccupation would probably prevent. He gave me several letters, 
and I left full copies of my printed sheets with him. Now, of all things, 
" great things " for my book I coveted. So to Parkman I went. I found 
him at Jamaica Plains, where he resided during the summer, deep in his 
literary work. After all, the worker is the man to take work to, and not 
the man of leisure. Mr. Parkman was a tall, spare man, with a smiling 
face and winning manner. I noticed that all great men in the vicinity of 
Boston were tall and thin, and wore smiling faces, and gave indications 
of innate gentleness of character. 

"This shows wonderful research, and I think your arrangement is good, 
but I should have to review it upon its merits," said Mr. Parkman. " As 
a matter of course," I replied. " I do not know that I am competent to 
do the subject justice," he now remarked. " I will trust you for that," 
said I. And so the matter was left, and in due time several splendid 
reviews appeared in this important journal as the different volumes were 

I was told to call on the Rev. James Freeman Clarke. I did so, but 
he was not at home. Returning to Boston we took the train for Concord 
and sought Mr. Emerson. He was gracious enough and gave me some 
letters, one to Dr. Draper and one to Mr. Bryant ; but in all his doings 
the great philosopher was cold and unsympathetic. He was the opposite 
of Wendell Phillips, who won the hearts of all that stood before him. . . . 
From Concord we went again to Cambridge, to see Mr. Howells of the 
Atlantic Monthly. After some conversation upon the subject it was finally 
arranged that Bliss was to write an article of some ten pages on my work 
for this magazine. There were many others we called on, some of whom 
were at home and some absent, among the latter much to my regret Oliver 
Wendell Holmes, Edward Everett Hale, and James T. Fields. From Dr. 
Holmes I subsequently received many letters, which brought with them a 
world of refreshing encouragement. So genial and hearty were his expres- 
sions of praise that the manner of bestowal doubled its value to me. Few 
can appreciate the worth to an author of encouraging words at such a time 
and from such a source. ... I had seen all the chief literary editors 
of Boston, and was well enough satisfied with the results. I knew by this 
time that my book would receive some good reviews in that quarter. So 
I concluded to leave Boston. 

On our way to New York we stopped at Newport and called on T. W. 
Higginson, who like Gilman aspired to the popular side of things. The 


result of this interview was half a dozen letters, in which he took care to 
state — that he might show, I suspect, how guarded he was in avoiding im- 
position — that President Gilman had introduced me, and that Clarence 
King indorsed me. Afterward came a review of the Native Races in Scrib- 
ners Monthly Magazine. None were kinder or more cordial than Higgin- 
son, who on several occasions went out of his way to serve me. As I was 
on my way to New York I saw his letters were directed to Mr. Reid, Mr. 
Ripley, Curtis, Holland, Parton, Godkin, Ward, and others. The first 
read as follows: " I wish to introduce a gentleman whom I count it an 
honor to know, Mr. H. H. Bancroft of San Francisco, who has been giving 
wealth and time for years to a work on the wild races of the Pacific states. 
His first volume shows a research very rare in America, and is founded on 
his own remarkable library of sixteen thousand volumes collected for the 
purpose. The book if carried out as it is begun will be an honor to our 
literature. Mr. Bancroft asks nothing from us but sympathy and Godspeed. 
I have been most favorably impressed by what I have seen of him person- 
ally, and am assured by Mr. Clarence King that he is thoroughly respected 
and valued in San Francisco." . . . 

It was no great achievement to visit these men and command their 
attention. In one sense, no. And yet in the state of mind in which I was 
then laboring it was one of the most disagreeable tasks of my life, and 
strong as I usually was physically it sent me to bed and kept me there a 
fortnight. I had been entirely successful ; but success here was won not 
as in San Francisco by years of tender devotion to an ennobling cause, 
but by what I could not but feel an humiliating course. I sought men 
whom I did not wish to see, and talked with them of things about which 
it was most distasteful to me to converse. It was false pride, however, 
and my extreme sensitiveness that kept alive these feelings. Good men 
assured me that I was not over-stepping the bounds of literary decorum in 
thrusting my work forward upon the notice of the world ; that my position 
was peculiar, and that in justice to my undertaking in San Francisco I 
could not do otherwise. I had met with much that was assuring, but I 
had likewise encountered much that was disheartening. I found here as 
elsewhere in the affairs of mankind hypocrisies and jealousies. Literature 
has its coteries and conventionalisms as well as other forms of human asso- 
ciation. . . . From the beginning of civilization, I believe, by the East 
the West has been considered barbaric in learning and literature. Greece 
first taught Rome, Rome western Europe, Europe America, and eastern 
America the western. Thus the East has always held the West in some 
sort of contempt so far as religion and learning were concerned. The East 


was the original seat of civilization, whence radiated the more refined re- 
ligion, with art, science, and literature. The West has always been illiter- 
ate, infantile in learning, with crude ideas in relation to all that creates or 
regulates the higher intellectual life. . 

Lest the East should become, however, too arrogant and domineering 
in its superior culture, it may profitably bear in mind two things: first, 
that as the West rises into supremacy the East decays, and that there is 
now no farther West for restless learning to reach. Palestine and Egypt 
are dead ; the greatness of Athens and Rome dates two thousand years 
back; London is growing old; if New York and Boston do not some time 
die of old age, they will prove exceptions to the rule ; so that if the glory 
of the world be not some day crowded into San Francisco, it will be by 
reason of new laws and new developments. In a word, Massachusetts and 
Connecticut may yet go to school to Michigan and California. 

In New York I met George Bancroft — with whom, by the way, I am 
in no way related — who gave me a letter to Dr. Draper, and was kind 
enough afterward to write: "To me you render an inestimable benefit, 
for you bring within reach the information which is scattered in thousands 
of volumes. I am glad to see your work welcomed in Europe as well as 
in your own country. In the universality of your researches you occupy 
a field of the deepest interest to the world, and without a rival. Press 
on, my dear sir, in your great enterprise, and bring it to a close in the 
meridian of life, so that you may enjoy your well-earned honors during 
what I hope may be a long series of later years." Dr. Draper was a 
man well worth the seeing ; from first to last he proved one of my 
warmest and most sympathizing friends. After my return to San Fran- 
cisco he wrote me: " I have received your long-expected first volume of 
the Native Races of the Pacific States, and am full of admiration of the 
resolute manner in which you have addressed yourself to that most labo- 
rious task. Many a time I have thought if I were thirty years younger I 
would dedicate myself to an exploration of the political and psycholog- 
ical ideas of the aborigines of this continent ; but you are doing not only 
this, but a great deal more. Your work has taught me a great many 
things. It needs no praise from me. It will be consulted and read cen- 
turies after you are gone." . . . 

I failed to see Mr. Bryant, but was gratified by the receipt of a letter 
in which he expressed himself in the following words : " I am amazed at 
the extent and the minuteness of your researches into the history and cus- 
toms of the aboriginal tribes of western North America. Your work will 
remain to coming ages a treasure-house of information on that subject." 


The Californian journals printed many of the Eastern and European letters 
sent me, and Mr. Bryant's commanded their special admiration on account 
of its chirography, which was beautifully clear and firm for a poet, and he 
of eighty years. When will men of genius learn to write, and those who 
aspire to greatness cease to be ashamed of fair penmanship? . . . 

I cannot enter more fully into the detail of reviewers and reviews ; 
suffice it to say that two large quarto scrap-books were filled to overflowing 
with such notices of the Native Races as were sent me. Never probably 
was a book so generally and so favorably reviewed by the best journals in 
Europe and America. Never was an author more suddenly or more 
thoroughly brought to the attention of learned and literary men every- 
where. . . . 

Thus it was that I began to see in my work a success exceeding my 
wildest anticipations. And a first success in literature under ordinary 
circumstances is a most fortunate occurrence. To me it was everything. 
I hardly think that failure would have driven me from my purpose, but I 
needed more than dogged persistency to carry me through herculean 
undertakings. I needed confidence in my abilities, assurance, sympathy, 
and above all a firm and lofty enthusiasm. I felt with Lowell, that " solid 
success must be based on solid qualities and the honest culture of them." 

f^L^^T A£/%. 


It was in picturesque Leeuwarden, in the old-time province of Fries- 
land, Holland, where Samuel Myer Isaacs was born on January 4, 
1804. The most conservative of all sections of Holland in fidelity to tradi- 
tional dress and customs, Friesland has much to commend itself to the 
tourist, and Leeuwarden is one of the handsomest places of its size in 
Holland. Its streets are broad, its houses spacious, its shops are attrac- 
tive, and its many book and art stores testify to the cultured taste of the 
community ; while its inhabitants are a sturdy, temperate, well-preserved 
race, the women being preeminently tall and fine-looking. The subject 
of our sketch did not reside very long in Holland. When the French 
entered Friesland, and the future seemed as insecure as the present was 
unpropitious, his father gave up his business of banking and emigrated 
with his family to hospitable England, Samuel then being in early boyhood. 
Arrived in London, the father, being a man of scholarly attainments for 
his day, became a teacher, and exerted every effort to secure a good edu- 
cation for his children — four of his sons becoming teachers in Israel in 
different quarters of the globe. 

Spurred on by his father's example, Mr. Isaacs was trained for the min- 
istry, and gaining esteem as teacher was elected head of a prominent Jew- 
ish institute in London. Here his genial qualities found an excellent, 
although somewhat narrow, seed-field, but a change was to come. One 
Sabbath two Americans who were visiting London listened to his minis- 
trations and were pleased with his genial manner. They sought an intro- 
duction and soon made known their purpose. It was to announce that 
the Elm street synagogue of New York extended a call for his services 
as minister. 

If prejudice still exists in many quarters in England against everything 
American, how much more intense and certainly more justified must 
have been the sentiment half a century ago. America was regarded as an 
unknown continent, with the savages still in the majority, and the most 
crude ideas prevailed as to American life and manners. It was natural, 
then, for Mr. Isaacs at first to hesitate, particularly as he was about to be 
married, before he accepted the call. But duty, which was to be stronger 
than inclination throughout his whole career, made his course clear. It 
seemed imperative for him to enter upon a life-mission in the new world, 


where the workers were but few and the work urgent. So without further 
delay he consented, married a young bride, and set sail for New York in 
1839. The voyage lasted three months, and the packet's safety was de- 
spaired of. It is interesting to notice that Audubon the naturalist was a 


companion on the journey. The arrival of an English Jewish preacher 
was indeed a novelty in those days, for in 1839 preaching in the vernacu- 
lar was a rarity. The Elm street synagogue near Walker street was 
crowded every Sabbath to hear the new preacher, and not a few non- 
Israelites were attracted. There were then only two synagogues in the 


city which provided for its six hundred Jewish families. The growth in 
fifty years from two to twenty-five large houses of worship and from three 
thousand to one hundred and eighty thousand Israelites is significant. 

Mr. Isaacs was just the reverse of a fashionable preacher. His mission 
and message were simple and direct. Conservative from ancestry and 
training, he taught the old-time traditional Judaism, laboring earnestly to 
correct abuses that had impaired the purity of the service and impeded 
the devotion of the worshiper. As a preacher he was hampered some- 
what by being educated in the English pulpit method, his discourses 
usually being written out and delivered from manuscript. He was at 
his best in his extemporaneous efforts in pulpit and on platform. His 
themes were generally practical and had one aim — to teach Jewish doc- 
trine and elevate the moral life. His sermon's strength lay largely in the 
preacher himself, whose honest convictions were bluntly expressed and 
whose principles were never compromised. 

Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs's activity was by no means confined to the 
pulpit. He was frequently heard on the lecture platform, and his services 
were extensively utilized throughout the country in dedicating synagogues. 
He used to tell an amusing story of how, when he was called to Chicago 
to lay the corner-stone of a synagogue, a horse was brought for him to ride 
to the appointed site, which was a barren tract of land now the centre of 
a flourishing metropolis. His amazement at seeing the horse was equaled 
by his consternation on a similar occasion in another city when he was 
asked to follow a brass band which led the procession to the new edifice. 
He refused the horse in the one instance, and took a short cut to the syna- 
gogue in the other. 

Besides these labors which made his name widely known, Mr. Isaacs 
early saw the necessity of providing charitable and educational agencies for 
the Israelites of New York. He was one of the founders and for a time vice- 
president of the Jews', now the Mount Sinai hospital ; the Hebrew Free 
School Association owes its conception largely to his foresight, while in 
all local and national movements for Jewish education his activity was 
pronounced. His love for Palestine brought him into sympathetic rela- 
tions with Sir Moses Montefiore, and he was zealous in his efforts to relieve 
poverty and promote enlightenment in the East. 

In 1857 he founded the Jewish Messenger as an organ of conservative 
Judaism. In its columns he advocated many measures of communal 
utility and furnished a standard of journalism which won general esteem. 
Besides his editorials and an occasional sermon he contributed a large 
number of miscellaneous articles, of which his " Leaves from the Diary of 


a Jewish Minister " acquired more than local fame. These formed a partial 
autobiography, and the incidents were invariably founded on fact. Their 
chief trait was a delightful humor. Written hastily and amid diverse duties, 
they are readable and piquant still. He was fond, too, of writing short 
stories and sketches, generally in a humorous vein. Like the typical rabbi, 
he had an inexhaustible fund of humor, and needed it in the trials and 
anxieties of a minister's life. 

Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs, while sincere and punctilious in his adherence 
to conservative Judaism, was happily free from any taint of bigotry. With- 
out the least infusion of clerical conceit, there was no approach to narrow- 
ness. He was intensely American in his sympathies, and his standing in 
the community was recognized by his being asked to read a selection from 
the Scriptures at the Lincoln memorial service in New York in 1865. His 
personal habits were just the reverse of ecclesiastical — he was a family 
man, never brighter than in his family circle, sharing the pleasure and grief 
of each inmate. If he was among the earliest to attend the daily morn- 
ing service in his synagogue, which after successive removals finally was 
established on Forty-fourth street, between Sixth and Seventh avenues, 
he was the promptest to visit the sick and the destitute. His parish was 
never restricted to his own congregation and his own creed. He was by 
no means an ascetic, but his life was temperate in all things. He knew 
only one amusement, the game of whist, and he belonged to a regular 
circle which met every two or three weeks at each other's homes to enjoy 
the pastime. Old Dr. Chandler Gilman, who used to live on Thirteenth 
street near Fifth avenue, was one of this whist club, and a good Catholic 
priest was occasionally of the party. Simple in his tastes, he found his 
highest happiness in his devotion to the synagogue with the self-sacrifice 
of the old-time clergyman. In some respects much of what Emerson 
writes of Ezra Ripley can be applied to him : " His brow was serene and 
open to his visitor, for he loved men, and he had no studies, no occupa- 
tions, which company could interrupt." He knew so well the common 
experiences of men and " sympathized so well in these that he was excellent 
company and counsel to all, even the most ignorant and humble." " He 
gave himself up to his feelings, and said on the instant the best things in 
the world." " He believed, and therefore spoke." In one word : " He 
was a man very easy to read, for his whole life and conversation were con- 

Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs was always a busy man. His activity was a 
marvel to his friends. He never took a longer vacation than a week or two 
in August, and then always within call. He was an early riser, and from 


dawn to midnight was constantly occupied. He was systematic in his 
methods, punctual in his appointments, prompt in every duty, and as his 
nature was cheerful his tasks were rarely burdens. Besides his studies, his 
synagogue duties, his editorial labors, a vacant half hour was usually given 
to general reading. Dickens, Wilkie Collins, and Charles Reade were his 
favorites among English authors. Disraeli's career he followed with intense 
interest. In American political life the parson had not yet risen to prom- 
inence, but he was a loyal Republican from the foundation of the party, 
and both in the down-town (Houston and Prince streets) and the up-town 
(46th street and 1522 Broadway) wards voted the straight Republican 
tickets, national and local. When he resided in Houston street near Thomp- 
son, Rev. Dr. Morgan's church and graveyard were still at the corner of 
Broadway and Houston, Bleecker street was a very fashionable thorough- 
fare, the old Houston street stages lumbered along leisurely, Washington 
parade ground was a favorite resort, and the city was still wearing its 
primitive and provincial garb in many a street and tenement. He had firm 
faith in New York's great future and liked to contrast its almost rural 
appearance when he landed in 1839 with the character it had assumed after 
the war of 1861. He had no sympathy with those who justified slavery on 
biblical grounds, but in his pulpit and paper was a stanch Unionist. An 
editorial in the early days of 1 861 called " Stand by the Flag" caused the 
defection of his entire Southern subscription list. He used to relate how 
he received an indignant set of resolutions from the Hebrews of a certain 
Southern town, launching fierce invectives at him and his paper, and stating 
that they would withdraw their patronage in the future. Of all the Israel- 
ites in the place, only one, however, was a subscriber, and he was in arrears. 
Mr. Isaacs's residence at 119 West Houston was not far from the scene of 
outrages in the draft-riots of 1863 ; the mob hung a negro to a lamp-post 
a block from his dwelling. 

Rev. Samuel M. Isaacs died, after a few weeks' illness, May 19, 1878. 
His strength was unabated until the last, and his activity only ceased 
with his life. It is curious that his last editorial, written before his final 
illness, was entitled " Duties to the Dying." His last audible words, a 
day before the end, were, " I have endeavored to do my duty." 


New York City. 


There is no record of debate in the convention of Pennsylvania. All 
that can be surmised of objections to ratification of the Constitution must 
be gathered from the two arguments in favor of it and from the amendments 
suggested after the action of the convention. McKean, who had been 
governor of the state, a member of its legislature and of its judiciary, 
moved that the convention assent to and ratify the Constitution agreed 
upon by the Federal Convention, and Wilson spoke to the motion: 

" The system proposed by the late convention for the government of 
the United States is now before you. As I am the only member of that 
body who has the honor to be a member of this, it may be expected 
that I should prepare the way for the deliberations of this assembly by 
unfolding the difficulties which the late convention was obliged to en- 
counter, by pointing out the end which it was proposed to accomplish, 
and by tracing the general principles which it has adopted for the accom- 
plishment of that end. The difficulty of the business was equal to its 
magnitude. No small share of wisdom and address is requisite to combine 
and reconcile the jarring interests that prevail, or seem to prevail, in a 
single community. The United States contain already thirteen govern- 
ments, mutually independent. Those governments present to the Atlantic 
a front of fifteen hundred miles. Their soil, their climates, their produc- 
tions, their dimensions, their numbers, are different. In many instances a 
difference, and even an opposition, subsists in their interests ; and a differ- 
ence, and even an opposition, is imagined to subsist in many more. An 
apparent interest produces the same attachment as a real one, and is often 
pursued with no less perseverance and vigor. When all these circumstances 
are seen and attentively considered, will any member of this body be sur- 
prised that such a diversity of things produced a proportionate diversity 
of sentiment ? Will he be surprised that such a diversity of sentiment 
rendered a spirit of mutual forbearance and conciliation indispensably 
necessary to the success of the great work, and will he be surprised that 
mutual concessions and sacrifices were the consequences of mutual for- 
bearance and conciliation ? A very important difficulty arose from com- 
paring the extent of the country to be governed, with the kind of govern- 
ment proper to be established in it. It has been the opinion countenanced 
by high authority, that the natural property of small states is to be gov- 


erned as a republic ; of middling ones, to be subject to a monarchy ; of 
large empires, to be swayed by a despotic prince ; that to preserve the 
principles of the established government the state must be supported in 
the extent it has acquired, and that the spirit of the state will alter in 
proportion as it extends or contracts its limits. Here, then, a difficulty 
appears in full view. On the one hand, the United States contain an 
immense extent of territory, and according to the foregoing opinion a des- 
potic government is best adapted to that extent. On the other hand, it 
was well known that however the citizens of the United States might 
submit with pleasure to the legitimate restraints of a republican con- 
stitution, they would reject with indignation the fetters of despotism. 
What was to be done? The idea of a confederate republic presented 
itself. This kind of a constitution has been thought to have all the in- 
ternal advantages of a republican, together with the external force of a 
monarchical government. Its description is a convention by which several 
states agree to become members of a larger one which they intend to es- 
tablish. It is a kind of assemblage of societies that constitute a new one, 
capable of increasing by means of further association. The expanding 
quality of such government is peculiarly fitted for the United States, the 
greater part of whose territory is yet uncultivated. But while this form 
of government enabled us to surmount the difficulty last mentioned, it 
conducted us to another. It left us almost without precedent or guide, 
without the benefit of that instruction which in many cases maybe derived 
from the constitution, history, and experience of other nations. 

The science of government seems yet almost in a state of infancy. 
Governments in general have been the result of force, of fraud, and of 
accident. After six thousand years since the creation, the United States 
exhibit the first instance of a nation unattacked by external force, uncon- 
vulsed by domestic insurrections, assembling voluntarily, deliberating fully, 
and deciding calmly concerning that system of government under which 
they would wish that they and their posterity should live. The ancients 
seem scarcely to have had an idea of any other kinds of government than 
the simple forms, monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical. Tacitus 
considered a mixed government of the three forms rather to be wished than 
expected, and, even if instituted, not of probable long duration. One thing 
is certain, that representation in government was unknown to the ancients, 
which in my opinion is essential to every system that can possess the 
qualities of freedom, wisdom, and energy. For the American states were 
reserved the glory and happiness of diffusing this vital principle throughout 
the constituent parts of government. To be left without guide or prece- 


dent was not the only difficulty in which the convention was involved by 
proposing to its constituents the plan of a confederate republic. They 
found themselves embarrassed with another of peculiar delicacy and impor- 
tance, that of drawingthe proper line between the national government and 
the governments of the several states. It was easy to discover a proper and 
satisfactory principle upon the subject. Whatever object of government 
is confined in its operation and effects within the bounds of a particular 
state should be considered as belonging to the government of that state; 
whatever object of government extends in its operation or effects beyond 
the bounds of a particular state should be considered as belonging to the 
government of the United States. But though this principle be sound 
and satisfactory, its application to particular cases would be accompanied 
with much difficulty, because in its application room must be allowed for 
great discretionary latitude of construction of the principle. 

In order to lessen or remove the difficulty arising from discretionary 
construction on this subject, an enumeration of particular instances in 
which the application of the principle ought to take place has been 
attempted with much industry and care. It is only in mathematical 
science that a line can be drawn with mathematical precision, but I flatter 
myself that upon the strictest investigation the enumeration will be found 
to be safe, unexceptionable, and accurate in as great a degree as accuracy 
can be expected in a subject of this nature. Having enumerated some of 
the difficulties which the convention was obliged to encounter, I shall 
point out the end it proposed to accomplish. Our wants, our talents, 
our affections, our passions, tell us that we were made for a state of society. 
But a state of society could not be supported long or happily without 
some civil restraint. True, in a state of nature one individual may act 
uncontrolled by others, but others may act uncontrolled by him. Conse- 
quently each in a natural state would enjoy less liberty and suffer more 
interruption than he would in a regulated society. Hence the universal 
introduction of governments of some sort or other into the social state. 
The liberty of each member is increased by this introduction, for each 
gains more by the limitation of the freedom of every other member than 
he loses by the limitation of his own. The result is that civil government 
is necessary to the perfection and happiness of man. In forming this gov- 
ernment and carrying it into execution, it is essential that the interest and 
authority of the whole community should be binding in every part of it. 
The foregoing principles and conclusions are generally admitted to be just 
and sound with regard to the nature and formation of single governments, 
and the duty of submission to them. In some cases they will apply with 

Vol. XXV.-No. 3.— 15 


much propriety and force to states already formed. The advantages and 
necessity of civil government among individuals in society are not greater 
nor stronger than in some situations and circumstances are the advan- 
tages and necessity of a federal government among states. Is such the 
situation, are such the circumstances of the United States? The United 
States may adopt any one of four different systems. They may become 
consolidated into one government in which the separate existence of the 
states shall be entirely absorbed. They may reject any plan of union or 
association, and act as separate and unconnected states. They may form 
two or more confederacies. They may unite in one federal republic. 

To support with vigor a single government over the whole extent of 
the United States would demand a system of the most unqualified and 
the most unremitted despotism. Such a number of separate states, con- 
tiguous in situation, unconnected and disunited in government, would be 
at one time the prey of foreign force, foreign influence, and foreign in- 
trigue ; at another the victims of mutual rage, rancor, and revenge. Neither 
of those systems found advocates in the late convention. Would it be 
proper to divide the United States into two or more confederacies? Some 
aspects under which it may be viewed are far from being at first sight 
uninviting. Two or more confederacies would each be more compact and 
more manageable than a single one extending over the same territory. 
By dividing the United States into two or more confederacies, the great 
collision of interests apparently or really different and contrary in the 
whole extent of their dominion would be broken, and to a great extent 
disappear in the several parts. But these advantages discovered from 
certain points of view are greatly overbalanced by inconveniences that 
will appear upon more accurate examination. Animosities and perhaps 
wars would arise from assigning the extent, the limits, and the rights of 
the different confederacies. The expenses of government would be multi- 
plied by the number of federal governments. The danger resulting from 
foreign influence and mutual dissensions would not, perhaps, be less great 
and alarming in the instance of different confederacies than in the instance 
of more numerous unasscciated states. The remaining system which the 
American states may adopt is a union of them under one confederate repub- 
lic. By adopting this system the vigor and decision of a wide-spreading 
monarchy may be joined to the freedom and beneficence of a contracted 
republic. The extent of territory, the diversity of climate and soil, and 
the greatness and connection of lakes and rivers with which the United 
States are intersected and almost surrounded, all indicate an enlarged 
government to be fit and advantageous for them. The principles and 


dispositions of their citizens indicate that in this government liberty shall 
reign triumphant. Such indeed have been the general opinions and wishes 
entertained since the era of independence. If these opinions and wishes 
are as well founded as they are general, the late convention was justified 
in proposing to its constituents one confederate republic as the best 
system of a national government for the United States." 

So far as Wilson stated why and how the federal convention had based 
a Constitution on identity of interest and balance of power,* he spoke 
for that convention ; in all else for himself. The narrative and the com- 
ment must be considered separately. 

" In forming this system it was proper to give minute attention to the 
interest of all the parts ; but there was a duty of higher import to feel, to 
show a predominating regard to the superior interests of the whole. If 
this great principle had not prevailed, the plan before us had never made 
its appearance." 

Less obscurely the interests of each state were carefully considered, 
and such as were found identical in each were made the subjects of a 
federal government. So Wilson meant, so he was understood to mean. 
" Civil government is necessary to the perfection of society ; civil liberty 
is necessary to the perfection of civil government. Civil liberty is natural 
liberty itself, divested of only that part which placed in the government 
produces more good and happiness to the community than if it had re- 
mained in the individual. 

This is not definition, it gives no boundaries. Civil liberty exists when 
the quantity of the natural liberty of the individual lodged in a govern- 
ment, and the quantity retained, are settled. The wisest basis of division 
is stated in the Declaration of Independence. If men desire a just gov- 
ernment, they delegate to it so much of an inalienable sovereignty of 
the individual as each consents to contribute. Thus the rights and duties 
of its citizens to each other, and to a government, and of a government to 
them, are defined or made capable of definition. Whatever a citizen is 
entitled to under the common, consent or under the natural liberty re- 
tained is civil liberty. In considering and developing the nature and end 
of the system before us, it is necessary to mention another kind of liberty, 
which has not yet, as far as I know, received a name. I shall distinguish 
it by the appellation of federal liberty. When a single government is insti- 

*The expression of Condorcet, whose criticism of such a basis ignored the distinction between 
the constitution of a single state, which deals with the rights of its citizens, and the constitution of 
a federal republic, which deals with the rights of communities. Esquisse des progres de l'esprit 


tuted, the individuals of which it is composed surrender to it a part of 
the natural independence they before enjoyed as men. When a con- 
federate republic is instituted, the communities of which it is composed 
surrender to it a part of their political independence which they before 
enjoyed as states. The principles which directed in the former case 
what part of the natural liberty of the man ought to be given up, and 
what part ought to be retained, will give similar directions in the latter 
case. The states should resign to the national government that part, and 
that part only, of their political liberty which placed in that government 
will produce more good to the whole than if it had remained in the several 

As by an enumeration of subjects the line had been drawn between 
federal authority and state authority, the definition of federal liberty 
must be exempted from control on all but the enumerated subjects. 
Hobbes, starting from the same assumption of the " Rights of Man " as 
the Declaration of Independence, contends that when men institute a 
government by consent they alienate to it their will ; that anterior stipu- 
lations as to its exercise of power are useless, as its will has immediately 
upon institution become their will, that a monarchy, an oligarchy, or a 
democracy must be absolute, and that a mixed government must soon re- 
solve itself into one of the three. The theory of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the theory of Hobbes have been running a race in the United 
States from the moment a Union was projected ; the former had a great 
advance, but the latter is fast closing the gap. " Since states as well as 
citizens are represented in the Constitution before us, and form the objects 
upon which that Constitution is proposed to operate, it was necessary to 
notice and define federal as well as civil liberty." 

Whether a state should have weight in a new Union in proportion to 
population, was a question which threatened the disruption of the fed- 
eral convention. It was compromised by the admission of the claim in 
some of the agencies of government and by the denial of it in others ; the 
principal effect of that compromise being that states in one branch of the 
congress had unequal weight, by representatives being apportioned among 
them in proportion to population ; and in the other branch, equal 
weight. In defining population in the Constitution, negro slaves, fully 
one-fifth of the population of the Union, were rated as three-fifths of so 
many freemen ; therefore the assertion that citizens, in addition to states, 
were represented under the Constitution, would be false in part, if it had 
not been false in whole. States only are represented. 

" We now see the great end proposed to be accomplished — to frame 


for the consideration of their constituents one federal and national Con- 
stitution which would produce the good and prevent the inconveniences 
of bad government; whose beneficence and energy would pervade the 
whole Union and insure peace, freedom, and happiness to the states and 
people of America." 

Here inquiry apparently began : Where are we to understand that 
sovereignty will reside under this new system? — a question natural, as the 
Articles of Confederation asserted the independence and sovereignty of 
each state, and by them the states pledged themselves to defend the sove- 
reignty of each other. " There necessarily exists in every government a 
power from which there is no appeal, and which for that reason may be 
termed supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable. Where does this power 
reside? To this question writers on different governments will give 
different answers. Blackstone will tell you that in Britain the power is 
lodged in the British parliament, that the parliament may alter the form of 
government, and that its power is absolute, without control. The idea 
of a constitution limiting and superintending the operations of legislative 
authority, seems not to have been accurately understood in Britain. 
There are at least no traces of practice conformable to such a principle. 
To control the power and conduct of a legislature by an over-ruling con- 
stitution, was an improvement in the science and practice of government 
reserved to the American states." 

Perhaps some politician who has not considered with sufficient accu- 
racy our political systems would answer, that in our governments the 
supreme power was vested in the constitutions. This opinion approaches 
a step nearer to the truth, but does not reach it. The truth is, that in our 
governments the supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable power remains in 
the people. As our constitutions are superior to our legislatures, so the 
people are superior to our constitutions. Indeed, the superiority in this 
last instance is much greater, for the people possess over our constitutions 
control in act as well as right. The consequence is that the people may 
change the constitutions whenever and however they please. This is a 
right of which no positive institution can ever deprive them. To the 
operation of these truths we are to ascribe the scene, hitherto unparal- 
leled, which America now exhibits to the world — a gentle, a peaceful, a 
voluntary, a deliberate transition from one constitution of government to 
another. Often I have remarked with silent pleasure and admiration the 
prevalence through the United States of the principle that the supreme 
power resides in the people, and that they never part with it. It may be 
called the panacea in politics. There can be no disorder in the commu- 


nity but may here find a radical cure. If the error be in the legislature, 
it may be corrected by the constitution ; if in the constitution it may be 
corrected by the people. There is a remedy therefore for every distem- 
per in government, if the people are not wanting to themselves ; if they 
are, there is no remedy. From their power there is no appeal ; of their 
error there is no superior principle of correction. In this Constitution all 
authority is derived from the people. It opens with a solemn and practical 
recognition of that principle: We the people of the United States do 
ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States of America. 
The citizens of the United States appear dispensing a part of their orig- 
inal power, in what manner and proportion they see fit. They never part 
with the whole, and they retain the right of recalling what they part 

At this stage interpellation recommenced. " You state that there are 
now in a union thirteen governments, except as to so much of their power 
and attributes of sovereignty not delegated to the congress of the United 
States, mutually independent of that congress and of each other. Each 
government necessarily must have been instituted by a people. A pro- 
posal is made to the people of Pennsylvania to be one of nine states, to 
withdraw from that union and conjoin in another. As you urge the 
acceptance of that proposal, you affirm not only such right in the people 
of Pennsylvania, but that the exercise of the right is consonant with hon- 
esty and with comity to other states. Upon that proposal the legislature 
of Pennsylvania has authorized this convention, in which the people of 
Pennsylvania appear by representatives. If the proposal is accepted by 
this convention the act must be an exercise of sovereignty. If this Con- 
stitution is accepted by and established between nine or all the states, 
what will the word people mean in your view ? " 

" I consider the people of the United States one great community, 
and I consider the people of the different states as forming communities 
again on a lesser scale. From this great division of the people into distinct 
communities, it will be found necessary that different proportions of legis- 
lative powers be given to the governments, according to the nature, number, 
and magnitude of their objects. Unless the people are considered in these 
two views, we shall never be able to understand the principle on which this 
system was constructed. I view the states as made for the people as well 
as by them ; the people, therefore, have a right to form a general or state 
governments in what manner they please, or to accommodate them to one 
another, and by this means preserve them all." 

The answer was equally explicit. " This convention knows whether the 


state of Pennsylvania was made such by the people of the colony of Penn- 
sylvania for itself, or whether the change from colony to state was made 
for it by some other agency. The proposition that the state of Pennsyl- 
vania and the inhabitants of the state are things distinct leads, if the fact, 
to some remarkable results. The state of Pennsylvania, accepting this as 
any federal constitution, will be one of the units of a federal system, of 
which the government — its processes disclosed, its object carefully defined 
— is in its operation limited to interests common to all the states; while 
its inhabitants will be units of another system, absolute over everything, 
its processes of government undisclosed and its object uncommunicated. 
Therefore, such assumed the effect, the acceptance of this Constitution will 
inaugurate two systems of government — one federal, in which the rights 
and duties of a federal government, of states, and of individuals, depend 
upon consent ; and one consolidated, in which rights depend upon some- 
thing undefined. Such never could have been the intention of the federal 
convention ; that body evidently supposed that it was proposing a com- 
pact between states." 

" I am surprised at so late a stage of the debate to hear such principles 
maintained, to see the great leading principles of this system so very much 
misunderstood. The convention no doubt thought that it was framing 
a contract. I cannot answer for what every member thought ; but I 
believe it cannot be said that they thought they were making a compact, 
because I cannot discover the least trace of compact in the system. It is a 
new doctrine, that one can make a compact with himself. The convention 
were forming compacts; with whom? I know no bargains were made 
then. I am unable to conceive who the parties could be. This is not a 
government founded upon compact, it is founded on the power of the 
people. I know the commonplace rant of state sovereignties, and that 
government is founded in original compact. If that position is exam- 
ined, it will be found to accord very well with the true principle of free 
government. This Constitution may have defects in it — hence amendments 
may become necessary ; but the idea of a government founded on contract 
destroys the means of improvement. I know well that in Great Britain, 
since the revolution, it has been a principle that the constitution is founded 
in contract ; but the form and time of that contract no writer has yet 
attempted to discover. It was, however, recognized at the time of the 
revolution, and therefore is politically true. But we should act very 
imprudently to consider our liberties placed on such a foundation." 

Upon the answer to this reasoning Wilson declined further discussion, 
saying : " Instead of disagreeing about who shall possess the supreme 



power, the object which should employ the attention and judgment of 
this convention is, whether the present arrangement is well calculated to 
promote and secure the tranquillity and happiness of our common country." 

The answer was conclusive against everything but an illusion. If there 
be now a body corporate, a people of the United States, it cannot of 
course make a compact with itself. Whether there is such a body corporate, 
is a question of fact. There are three documents, and only three, which 
are proof one way or the other. The Declaration of Independence avers 
that independent states will thenceforth exist, not that a people of the 
United States will exist. The Articles of Confederation aver that thirteen 
named independent and sovereign states have formed a federal union, not 
a people. Subsequent to that union Great Britain acknowledged the inde- 
pendence not of a people nor of the United States, but of each state sep- 
arately ; which must have been recognized as the proper formulas by the 
representatives of the United States. Whether in any other part of the 
world governments have or have not been founded in contract is immate- 
rial. Here they have been, unless consent is not contract. This is one of 
the self-evident propositions of the Declaration of Independence, to us at 
least a political truth, if we claim that our governments are " just." Both 
the form and the time of the contracts are known ; therefore, there is no 
mystery in the matter of government, state or federal. When men form 
a community and institute a government, by our theory, they agree upon 
duties and rights. When they agree that a community of which they are 
members shall join in a federal union, and that a federal government shall 
have authority over them, they agree upon rights and duties as members 
of their community, not of any other; and that community as their repre- 
sentative agrees with similar representatives. If this state and New York 
are in a federal union, the mutual duties and rights of the people of the 
two states exist from and are bounded by consent, whether the word 
people expresses individuals in an organization, or an organism. Why a 
government by contract should preclude the means of improvement, more 
than its alternative a government by force, is not perceptible. Contract 
can supply a method of amendment, and amendment can alter the method. 

Wilson did not communicate the information that he had pressed upon 
the federal convention, a people of the United States, as a basis of its 
deliberation, and that the response, " Such is not the fact," had disposed 
of the assumption. The duty of a delegate and the honor of a man may 
not have compelled him to disclose the basis of the plan in the federal 
convention, but they certainly forbade the assertion that bargains were not 
made in it by the states represented. Wilson agrees with Hobbes and 


Sir Robert Filmer that a government ought to be absolute and irresponsi- 
ble, but differed as to the depositary ; which they placed in a monarch, and 
he in a majority. At that date prevalent opinion held consent the basis 
of a just government ; a state, the organization of a people ; and a federal 
union of states with a limited federal government, the best system for the 
states. To his averment that except upon the assumption of a people of 
the United States we shall never become a nation, the response, "We do 
not wish to become a nation," admitted of no rejoinder. He accepted the 
action of that prevalent opinion under protest uttered in the congress of 
the United States, in the debate upon the articles of confederation, in the 
federal convention, and in the convention of Pennsylvania. His perspi- 
cacity had discerned the danger point in the system (every system has 
its danger point), that suffrage might not keep to the constitutional limits.* 
Believing that it would not, he preferred that it should be absolute through 
a constitution, to its becoming absolute through usurpation. True it is 
that no system can exclude the consequences of human nature. In a 
government by consent, as in every other, no matter how equitable and 
explicit the partition of power, some will strive for more than an allotted 
portion, and some will resent the attempt. " Each legislature (federal and 
state)," said Wolcott in the Connecticut convention, " has its province. 
Their limits may be distinguished. If they will run foul of each other, if 
they will be trying which has the hardest head, it cannot be helped. The 
road is broad enough ; but if two men will jostle each other, the fault is 
not in the road." The men of that period knew that questions might arise 
which they had not foreseen, and for which the Constitution had not pro- 
vided, to the solution of which, neither a law nor a judge subsisting, they 
must trust to the good sense of posterity, but they were not willing to buy 
the exclusion of such possibilities at the price which Wilson proposed. 

Free from the task of defending an hypothesis, Wilson invited atten- 
tion to various provisions of the Constitution ; elucidating them with 
marked ability, and finding just praise for all except that one which by 
its novelty and effect had seemed to foreigners a supreme excellence, and 
to the federal convention a supreme necessity — the process for amend- 
ment.! The reason for an omission so significant was probably because 

*Ca qu'il y a de commun dans les differents interets forme le lieu social: et s'il n'y avait pas 
quelque point dans lequel tous les interets s'accordent, nulle societe ne saurait exister. Or, C'est 
uniquement sur cet interet commun, que la societe doit etre gouvernee. Contrat Social. 

f Nous montrerons comment les republiques Americaines ont realise cette idee alors presque 
nouvelle en theorie, de la necessite d'etablir, et de regler par la loi, un mode regulier et paisible 
pour reformer les constitutions elles-memes, et de separer ce pouvoir, de celui de faire les lois. 
Esquisse des progres de Tesprit humain. 


that process acknowledged consent ; recognized the equity of an approach 
to unanimity, for a change in what had been established by unanimity ; 
gave a state power for amendment, upon the principle of power in repre- 
sentation ; and for suffrage drew the line between use and usurpation. 
McKean closed the debate. He reminded the convention that Pennsyl- 
vania only authorized it to accept or to reject ; therefore, that the duty of 
judgment was to weigh the advantages and disadvantages, and to decide 
as either preponderated. 

He then proceeded to state seriatim, examine, and answer such objec- 
tions as had been formulated, concluding with : " A student of law all my 
life, this system appears to me the best that the world has yet seen. I 
care not what it is called — a consolidation, a confederation, or a national 
government — the name is immaterial : the thing unites the states and makes 
them like one in particular instances and for particular purposes, which 
is what is most ardently desired by most of the sensible men in this 
country." Denial of " a people of the United States," and the distinction 
between identity and resemblance, could not have been conveyed with 
greater delicacy or greater plainness. 

After the Constitution had been accepted, the opponents of ratifica- 
tion, by the amendments they desired, proved, as so did the opponents 
in every convention, that opposition had not been to the plan, but to the 
absence of language needed in their view to make the plan unmistakably 
what the advocates of ratification said it was meant to be and was. The 
reasoning attributed to the opponents of Wilson's hypothesis is imagi- 
nary. Such it must have been in substance, but undoubtedly expressed 
with far greater command of language. 

SM> Mmov 

Irwin, Virginia. 


It was a rainy, blowy, dismal day in Washington, toward the close of 
October, 1889, when having exhausted the morning papers and the desul- 
tory chit-chat in the reading-room of the Hotel Normandie it occurred to 
me to call on the venerable historian, whom I had known upward of 
twenty odd years, but whom I had not seen for a long period owing to his 
change of residence from New York to Washington. I had another mo- 
tive in calling upon him, which was to solicit, should I find him in a genial 
mood, some scrap of historical writing which might possibly lie among his 
unpublished papers, as a final contribution from his pen to this magazine, 
in which I knew he felt great interest, and to which he had frequently 
contributed in recent years. 

Bancroft's residence was within an easy walk of the hotel — a spacious 
and pleasantly situated edifice on a broad street and in a quiet neighbor- 
hood, which externally and internally seemed admirably adapted to the 
requirements of a literary man who, at the advanced age of eighty-nine — 
while still actively engaged in his dearly beloved pursuit of historical re- 
search and book-writing — mingled far less than formerly in that social life 
which for years seemed to have been to him a necessity of existence. 
When the time comes to publish his biography the writer thereof will 
render scanty justice to his subject if he fails to give large space to the 
social qualities, the remarkable personal peculiarities, and, it must be 
added, the curious melange of little vanities and frivolities, which went to 
make up one of the most original characters among the American notabil- 
ities of the present century. 

George Bancroft presented the severest contrasts that individual idio- 
syncrasy offers among literary men of the highest culture. Stern and 
inflexible in his records and speech when analyzing the events of the past 
and the character of the men who figured in them ; serious and emphatic 
as if his historic pages were to be accepted without criticism as the ipse 
dixit of unquestioned authority from which no appeal was possible, the 
historian when he left his library to go into the world seemed to assume 
a new nature with his change of costume, and to enter the social circle with 
the playfulness of a school-boy released from the drudgery of study. It 
would be difficult to draw the line where natural pleasantry ended and the 
artificial began. " From grave to gay, from serious to severe," he passed 


so rapidly, that those who met Mr. Bancroft for the first time at some 
social assembly and had an opportunity of observing him could not well 
make out what sort of a character stood before them, or whether a sage 
of history, a profound philosopher, or' a social punchinello was the most 
fitting term to apply to him. 

I have myself in former years met Mr. Bancroft under varied circum- 
stances when it was as difficult to decide which was his chief character- 
istic, as in the well-known story of the chameleon to ascertain the precise 
color of that changeable and interchangeable reptile. At a dinner-party 
he was the most versatile of the company, now grave and unctuous in de- 
ciding a vexed question in history, now exciting general laughter by a 
joke not quite in harmony with the conventional proprieties of the table ; 
while on the same evening, when descending the staircase with, as he sup- 
posed, no one but his companion within listening distance, I have heard 
him give vent to expressions akin to that of an actor behind the scenes 
who was disconcerted with the part his companion, a lady, had played. 
That he himself was more or less an " actor " in society was too generally 
acknowledged to be ignored in recalling his characteristics even in a super- 
ficial sketch of this kind. I remember an evening at the Century Club in 
New York when at a festive gathering a certain young lady had been 
crowned by the members as the " May Queen " of the occasion. I was 
standing nearby when Mr. Bancroft entered the gay assembly, and, strik- 
ing an attitude of astonishment before the first young lady whom he 
encountered, exclaimed : " Why are you not Queen of the May? You 
should have been the May Queen " — with other pleasantries which called 
up a blush of gratified vanity at such a compliment from such a man. 
This was all very well so far as it went, but when later on the distin- 
guished historian addressed the same words to another young lady with 
whom I stood conversing, accompanied by the same gesticulations expres- 
sive of surprise and devotion, the speech fell rather tamely upon my ears. 
If insincerity is the basis of flattery, Mr. Bancroft was an adept in such 
pleasing deceptions; and not only when bandying les phrases de society but in 
the lecture-room he laid himself open to the charge of — to use a courteous 
term — embellishment. I was once in company with Mr. Anthony Trollope, 
the English novelist, at a meeting of the New Jersey Historical Society, 
when the paper of the evening was read by Mr. Bancroft. My compan- 
ion, who was noted for keen critical observation as well as for inimitable 
cleverness in depicting character, paid close attention to the lecturer 
and his discourse, without making a single comment until, at the burst 
of applause at one of the speaker's happy " points," Trollope turned and 


whispered in my ear, " Do you suppose that he himself believes what he is 
saying? " The incident is worth recording as the involuntary criticism of 
a bluntly honest foreigner who for the first time saw and heard the dis- 
tinguished historian. 

Bancroft the schoolmaster, the Unitarian preacher, the lecturer, the 
magazine writer, the politician — changing his party-colored coat with the 
facility of a harlequin — a member of the cabinet, secretary of the navy, 
minister at the court of St. James and at Berlin, and the historian of the 
United States, presented the same versatility of character while he excited 
universal respect for his intellectual qualities. In London he occasioned 
many amusing remarks in society, but his scholastic acquirements and 
diplomatic ability were justly acknowledged. His familiar acquaintance 
with German literature and the German language brought about a familiar 
friendship with the Prince Consort, with whom he held long conversations 
on politics, art, and letters in the prince's native tongue. The late emperor 
of Germany, then Prince Royal of Prussia, in reply to the question how he 
liked our minister at Berlin, said to me, " Bancroft? I like him immensely. 
Such energy and investigation I have seldom seen. He is here, there, 
and everywhere. Really a remarkable man." 

Arrived at Bancroft's door in Washington I decided not to send up my 
card until assured that he was disposed to receive a casual visitor at that 
hour. Newspaper rumor had more than once asserted that the venerable 
historian had lost much of his intellectual as well as physical vigor ; that he 
had given up his daily horseback exercise, had ceased writing history, and 
that he passed most of his time in a semi-demented condition, a confirmed 
invalid in his house. But his valet who opened the door to me, a faithful 
body-servant devoted for years to his master's service, assured me before 
going up to him in his library to announce my name, that he was sure that 
any visit from an old acquaintance would be most acceptable. "It is one 
of Mr. Bancroft's good days," he remarked. " He is feeling very well, and 
I know that he is not engaged in writing. He will be glad to see you, sir, 
and it will do him good to have a visitor." The man soon returned with 
a pleasant message confirmatory of this opinion, and I followed him up- 
stairs to the library. As I proceeded, the inner life of the occupant of the 
house was apparent at every step. Books lined the walls, and a second 
room filled with shelves laden with bound volumes caught my eye, adjacent 
to the library proper in which the historian passed the greater part of his 

Mr. Bancroft was seated in his arm-chair near his writing-table, which 
also was well covered with books, but he arose and received me with much 


cordiality. Taking it for granted that he might not after the lapse of so 
many years distinctly recall my identity, I began by reminding him as to 
who I was and when we had last met. He interrupted me with a vigor- 
ous but somewhat squeaky voiced exclamation, that he not only remem- 
bered me perfectly but that he rather thought he knew more of my family 
and their antecedents than I did myself. Thereupon he went back to the 
days of his boyhood in the town of Worcester, Massachusetts, and informed 
me that a certain cousin of mine, now some years deceased — who then 
dwelt there — had been his schoolmate and playmate, He, Mr. Bancroft, 
had greatly stood in awe of his schoolmate's mother, my aunt, who was 
a lady of great dignity, and most precise in her manners and ways of life. 
" I was a wild boy," continued Bancroft, " and your aunt did not like me. 
She was always fearful that I would get her son into bad ways, and still 
more alarmed lest I should some day be the cause of his being brought 
home dead. There was a river, or piece of water, near Worcester, where 
I used to beguile young Salisbury, and having constructed a rough sort of 
raft he and I would pass a good deal of our playtime in aquatic amuse- 
ments, not by any means unattended with danger. Madam's remon- 
strances were all in vain, and she was more and more confirmed in the 
opinion that I was a ' wild, bad boy.' However, nothing serious beyond 
an occasional wetting ever occurred, yet I never rose in her estimation, 
and a ' wild boy ' I continued to be up to manhood." 

Other members of the family were then referred to, and with that 
vividness of recollection in small details of events of early years which is 
characteristic of old age ; but when I called Mr. Bancroft's attention to 
mutual friends still living, and to one in particular then residing in Wash- 
ington, whom I took it for granted he sometimes saw, his memory was less 
acute. " And so he is living in Washington ? " asked the historian. " Well, 
this city has certain advantages which cannot be said of others. I find it 
a most agreeable residence. New York is only a great money-making 
centre, and literature is unappreciated there." Referring to his library he 
was unable to state the number of volumes; he believed there were 
between twenty thousand and twenty-five thousand ; the collection was 
much larger than it appeared, as for want of space elsewhere most of the 
shelves held two rows of volumes. The conversation was turning upon 
books and recent publications, when a lady member of the family entered 
the room, to whom I was introduced. She held an open letter in her 
hand which she showed to Mr. Bancroft and suggested the reply he should 
make to it, to which he assented. This incident convinced me that in his 
widowerhood and old age Mr. Bancroft was not bereft of that feminine 


counsel and sympathizing care which none but those who stand in need of 
such influences can fully appreciate. As the lady remained and joined in 
the conversation, Mr. Bancroft became more of a listener than a talker, 
interrupting only by an occasional pertinent and caustic observation. A 
gentleman's name came up who was an active sympathizer in " church 
work," whose words were quoted to the effect that it was ridiculous for a 
person to refuse to believe in religious dogma simply because he did not 
understand it. " It would be ridiculous," broke in Mr. Bancroft, " for a 
person to profess to believe what is opposed to his understanding." I 
referred to a magazine paper which had recently appeared with the title, 
" Why I am an Agnostic." " What nonsense !" said Mr. Bancroft. " It is 
like saying, Why I don't know what is not knowable." Speaking of maga- 
zine literature I referred to that excellent publication The Magazine of 
American History, the editor of which I knew to be personally known to 
him, a lady whom he once introduced to a large gathering of distinguished 
guests at the White House, where she was receiving with the Presidential 
party, as his "fellow historian," and on another occasion in another admin- 
istration, when invited by the President to meet her at dinner, promptly 
replied, " I am always glad to meet my peer in historical work," and I 
suggested that if he could' lay his hand upon some piece of historical 
manuscript among his papers which had not been in print, it would be 
particularly acceptable to the readers of her magazine. He answered by 
paying a high tribute to the genius of that editor and pronounced her " a 
sincere woman," as if sincerity in woman, or of writers of history as a 
body, is an exceptional characteristic. As to a contribution of the kind, 
he remarked that his executors would find very little indeed among his 
papers which had not been already in print. I earnestly hope the editor 
of this magazine will not hesitate to print the above personal allusion to 
herself, now that the distinguished man who made it is no more. 

Bancroft was in such a genial mood during my visit, that I ventured to 
proffer another request of a literary nature in behalf of a publisher, which I 
thought he might possibly accede to, but in this I was mistaken. We 
were standing in the middle of the room at the moment, and I was just on 
the point of taking my leave. " May I not give our friend some hope that 
he may hear from you on the subject?" I asked, noticing his apparent 
hesitation to grant the favor requested. 

11 Certainly not," he said with some asperity. " I am very careful what 
I say, and I cannot speak a word to encourage such a hope. No, I won't, 
there now!" and the great historian jumped off his feet to give emphasis 
to his decision. The action was so ludicrously out of proportion to the 



cause in question, that he as well as the rest of us broke into laughter. 
It served at least to show the nervous energy of the octogenarian and the 
importance he attached to matters affecting his personal convenience. 

I was happy to leave him in this cheerful state of mind and to take 
away with me the impression that should he before long quit this earthly 
tabernacle, he would do so like his contemporary Hawthorne in the midst 
of literary labor, and not like Emerson live beyond that period when the 
intellectual flame illumines and cheers the evening of existence. 

Florence, Italy. 

GEORGE BANCROFT, 1 800-1891 

To be a really great historian is perhaps the rarest of intellectual distinctions. "—Macaulay. 

Before his century born, a few brief days, 

And living with its lapse, well toward its close, 
No name with classic lore more starred it shows, 

Nor thicklier wreathed with Fame's historic bays, 

Than his whose death we mourn, whose virtues praise — 
BANCROFT, our nation's Nestor, as he goes 
Plumed for the lustrous fellowship of those 

Whom Death is sure to strike, but never slays. 

His learning and his life our memories fill 

With pride on which no shade of censure lies. 

He did not die too soon, or live too long — 

His worth full ripened for the poet's song. 
Since History lives though the historian dies, 

'Tis his best meed to live in history still. 

Chicago, Illinois. 



Mr. Hamilton presented the results of a study of existing records, 
and stated the facts relating to this subject so appearing. 

He began with the origin of the institution of slavery in Canada, two 
hundred and two years ago, in the reign of Louis XIV., who was then 
busy aiding and advising his good friend and brother James II. of Eng- 
land, and in watching the movements of William Prince of Orange, and 
preparing for .war with Germany. The secretary of state, however, as 
soon as he found a leisure moment, brought before his majesty certain let- 
ters from high officials in the province of Quebec. There were two, dated 
ioth August and 31st October, 1688, from M. de Denonville, and one 
from M. de Champagny, dated 6th November, 1688, to the secretary, their 
purport being to represent that working people (" gens d'industrie ") were 
so extraordinarily scarce, and labor so dear in Canada, that all enterprise 
was paralyzed, and that it was thought the best remedy would be to allow 
the importation of negroes as slaves. 

The attorney-general of Canada, then in Paris, assured his majesty that 
such was also his conviction, and that if permitted some of the principal 
inhabitants would purchase slaves as they arrived from Guinea. His 
majesty finally got to a consideration of the subject. Perhaps he talked 
it over with King James, who visited Paris in December, 1688, having 
" left his country for his country's good," and the result was a royal man- 
date written early in 1689 stating that his majesty had approved of the 
proposal that his loyal subjects of Quebec should obtain negroes to do 
their work. He added that he wished care to be taken, lest the negroes, 
coming from so different a clime, might not endure the rigor of Canada, 
and so the important project fail. 

The code noir contains an ordinance of November 13, 1705, making 
negroes movable property, and providing for their humane treatment. In 
1709 an ordinance was issued by Raudot, intendant at Quebec, reciting the 
king's permission, and that negroes and Panis (Pawnee Indians) had been 
procured as slaves ; and to remove doubts as to ownership it was ordained 

* Abstract of a valuable paper read before the Canadian Institute July 3, 1890. From the 

Vol. XXV. -No. 3.— 16 


that all such Panis and negroes who had been so bought or held should 
belong to the person so owning them in full proprietorship. Attached to 
this is the certificate of one Cognet, that he had duly published the ordi- 
nance by reading it after mass in certain churches in the city of Quebec. 
The forty-seventh article of the capitulation of Canada to the English pro- 
vides that all such negroes and Panis should remain in their condition of 
slavery. This was September 8, 1760. The negroes so introduced were 
mostly from African cargoes landed at Jamaica and other West India 
islands. Some were from the United States. Slaves were often cited 
and described in legal and other notices and documents in Lower Canada 
as chattels, such as " negroes, effects, and merchandise." By act of the 
English parliament in 1732, 5 Geo. II. , cap. 7, houses, lands, negroes, and 
real estate within the colony were liable to be sold as assets to satisfy 
their owner's debts. Both negroes and Panis appear on the parish records. 
Thus on the 13th March, 1755, at Longue Pointe, it is reported that 
Louise, a negress of M. de Chambault, had been buried, and on the same 
register is the certificate of baptism, dated 4th November, 1756, of Marie 
Judith, Pani, about twelve years of age, belonging to the Sieur Preville. 
In the newspapers of the time are several advertisements for sale. In the 
Montreal Gazette of 18th March, 1784, Madame Perrault offers a negress 
for sale, and a week later is advertised " a negress about 25 years, who 
has had the smallpox and goes under the name of Peg." In March, 1788, 
the Montreal court of common pleas had before it the case of Jacobs v. 
Fisher, claiming the delivery to the plaintiff of " two negro wenches," and 
judgment was given that the slaves should be given up or fifty pounds 
damages be paid. Several similar cases are on record in Montreal and 

In July, 1797, an imperial statute was passed which recited the act of 
George II. referred to, and that it was deemed expedient that change 
should be made in the law in so far as the compulsory sale of slaves under 
execution was provided. That provision of the act was therefore repealed 
as far as it referred to negroes in his majesty's plantations. The agitation 
against the slave system had then fully begun in England. Lord Mans- 
field had decided the celebrated Somersett case, freeing the negro slave 
brought from Jamaica to England. This and the misconstruction of the 
last recited act soon had a marked effect on the future of the negro in 
Lower Canada. In February, 1798, " Charlotte," a colored slave, was 
claimed by her mistress and released on habeas corpus by Chief Justice Sir 
James Monk in Montreal. " Jude," another negress, was soon afterward 
arrested as a runaway slave by order of a magistrate. The negroes in 


Montreal, knowing of the " Charlotte " case, became excited and threat- 
ened to revolt, but when the woman was brought before the chief justice 
he released her also, and declared to the effect that in his opinion slavery 
was ended. On the 18th February, 1800, the case of "Robin" came be- 
fore the full court of king's bench, Mr. James Fraser claiming him, when 
after argument it is recorded that it was ordered " that the said Robin 
alias Robert be discharged from his confinement." It seems clear that the 
court was wrong in its judgment, and that slavery in law existed in Lower 
Canada until the imperial act of 1833 removed it from all the colonies. 
An effort was made in the provincial legislature to obtain an act to define 
the true position, but without success. The masters were mostly residents 
of Montreal and Quebec, and the country members, not having such 
property, had no interest in sustaining the system for the benefit of the 
wealthier citizens, who had to acquiesce in the inevitable, and slavery 
ceased de facto in that province from and after the decision in the " Robin " 
case, 1 8th February, 1800. 

The system was introduced in Upper Canada before the separation of 
the Upper and Lower provinces in 1791, but our population was then small 
and scattered. We had a few hundred negro and a few Pawnee slaves, 
mostly around the Niagara, Home, and Western districts. In 1793 the 
first parliament of the province, meeting in its second session in Navy 
Hall, of which part remains in the low brown wooden buildings still vis- 
ible from the wharf at Niagara, then called Newark, passed an act which, 
while it prohibited the importation of slaves, confirmed the ownership in 
slaves then owned, and provided that their children should be free on 
attaining twenty-five years of age. The members of this first parliament, 
thirteen in number, with Mr. Macdonell of Glengarry as speaker, were 
mostly strong U. E. Loyalists. The act regarding slavery was, it is thought, 
drawn by Chief Justice Osgoode (who became chief justice of Upper Can- 
ada, July 29, 1792) at the suggestion of that good Englishman Governor 
Simcoe, who in his speech on closing the session of 1793, and consenting 
to this act, expresses the great relief he felt at being no longer liable to be 
called upon to sign permits for the importing of slaves. 

This remained the position till 1833, when the imperial act removed 
all remains of the system. Before the passage of the act of July, 1793, 
some of the states of the Union had passed similar acts, e.g. Rhode Island 
and Pennsylvania. New York followed in 1799 with a provision for gradual 
emancipation, which was followed by complete abolition in that state, July 
4, 1827. Mr. Hamilton cited several cases of slave advertisements, notably 
that of the administrator Hon. Peter Russell, who at York on February 


19, 1800, offered Peggy, aged forty, and Jupiter, aged fifteen, for sale, the 
woman for $150, and the boy for $200, " payable in three years secured by 
bond, but one-fourth less would be taken for ready money." Mr. Russell's 
sister, Miss Elizabeth, had a pure negress named Amy Pompadour, who 
attended her mistress dressed in a red turban. Miss Russell made her a 
present to Mrs. Captain Denison of York, who was the great-grandmother 
of several of Toronto's well-known citizens. Amy had a son, born during 
a visit of the Duke of Manchester to the town, who was named in memory 
of the duke and Mrs. Denison, Duke Denison, and lived to the middle of 
the century. 

In the Niagara Herald several advertisements are found relating to 
slaves ; so in the Gazette and Oracle early in the century. One refers to an 
Indian slave or Pani. Mr. Charles Field in the Herald of August 25, 1802, 
forbids all persons harboring his " Indian slave Sal." Messrs. W. & J. 
Crooks of West Niagara, in October, 1797, advertised in the Gazette and 
Oracle " that they wanted to purchase a negro girl of good disposition from 
seven to twelve years of age." It is interesting to note that these beautiful 
grounds of the Chautauqua assembly were the old Crooks farm. On it 
still, within sight of the amphitheatre where we are now assembled, is the 
frame, buff-painted family farmhouse or homestead. Among the records 
in the register of St. Mark's parish church, Niagara, is the following certi- 

" Married, 1797, Feb'y 5, Moses and Phcebe, negro slaves of Mr. Secre- 
tary Jarvis." 

Another noted Niagara citizen, Colonel Thomas Butler, advertised in 
the Upper Canada Gazette of July 4, 1793, offering $5 reward for his 
" negro man servant named John." 

An account was given of Solicitor-General Gray and his slaves, Dorinda 
Baker and her children Simon and John. Mr. Gray lost his life on the 
schooner Speedy, a government vessel wrecked on Lake Ontario, October 7, 
1804, and with him died his body-servant Simon Baker. Simon's brother 
John lived till 1871, and died in Cornwall, Ont. But he and all Mr. Gray's 
other slaves were freed by his will, which is proved in the surrogate court 
at Toronto. Lieutenant-Governor Sir A. Campbell favored the speaker 
with a note as to slaves in Kingston, stating his interest in the subject, 
and concluding : " I had personally known two slaves in Canada; one be- 
longed to the Cartwright and the other to the Forsyth family. When I 
remember them in their old age, each had a cottage, surrounded by many 
comforts, on the family property of his master, and was the envy of all the 
old people in the neighborhood." Sir Adam Wilson also informed the 


speaker of two young slaves, " Hank " and " Sukey," whom he met at the 
residence of Mrs. O'Reilly, mother of the venerable Miles O'Reilly, Q. C, 
in Halton county about 1830. They took freedom under the act of 1833, 
and were perhaps the last slaves in the province. 

A description was given of Ogden island in New York state, in the St. 
Lawrence river, opposite Morrisburg, Ontario, a beautiful place of one 
thousand acres, where about 1810 Judge David A. Ogden built a mansion 
and resided in patriarchal state, having twenty-five negro slaves, part of 
the dowry of his wife, a North Carolina lady. They were happy and con- 
tented, and though free to go and come to the Canada shore, none ever 
deserted. At the rear of this house and in the yard may be seen the 
" negro quarters." Some of these servants were voluntarily set free by 
Judge Ogden. One of them, an intelligent, amiable man, was known on 
both banks of the St. Lawrence as " Old Uncle Kit." He became a 
clergyman of the African Methodis.t Episcopal Church, and pastor of the 
old Leonard street and now Bleecker street colored church, New York city, 
and passed among his colored brethren, till his death about 1880, as Rev. 
Christopher Rush. It is pleasant now to look back three score and ten 
years and see these contented servants moving about the grounds, or in 
company with white masters, and guests of this old and honorable family, 
pulling out to fish among the green islands, or with bows and firearms 
seeking game, then abundant in the neighborhood. 

Nova Scotian slavery was referred to. The system was never there 
abolished by parliament, but was unsuited to the climate and fell into 
desuetude. The like was the case in the other maritime provinces. 

Two references to slavery there were given, one in a deed registered in 
Truro in 1779, in which one Harris conveyed to Matthew Archibald his 
interest in a twelve-year-old negro boy called Abram for 50 pounds cy. 
The other is an advertisement dated June 23, 1800, of sale of " a stout 
negro girl, aged eighteen years, good-natured, fond of children, and accus- 
tomed to both town and country work. For particulars apply at the old 
parsonage, Dutch Town." The reader concluded with references to 
Africans held as slaves to Indians. He showed that while such slavery 
was common among the southern Indians, Creeks, Choctaws, and Chero- 
kees, it did not obtain among Canadian tribes. This was owing to their 
nomadic habits and to the climate. The famous Mohawk Captain Brant, 
or Theyendenaga, is by some thought to have been a slaveholder. It was 
shown by reference to history and to inquiry now made of living descend- 
ants of Brant that such was not the case. He had large estates at Bur- 
lington bay and on the Grand river. Here many runaway negroes from 


the states had come, were treated hospitably, and remained working and 
living with the Indians, often adopting their customs and mode of living. 
Several descendants of such fugitives are now living on the Six Nation re- 
serve near Brant ford. 

Notwithstanding severe preventive laws passed by the Choctaw and 
other southern Indian nations, mixture of blood obtained to a marked de- 
gree ; the negroes, free and slave, intermarrying the Indians, becoming part 
of the nation. There is also a considerable intermixture of such blood in 
Ontario on certain of the reserves. Though the word Panis in the records 
referred to seems to have special reference to Indian slaves, it is sometimes 
used by old Canadian writers to signify all persons in servitude without 
regard to color. It is of Algonquin origin. Slavery in Canada was of a 
mild patriarchal type. Slaves could not be sold under compulsory process 
of law, nor members of families separated without the owner's consent. 
Marriage and ties of kindred seem to have been observed and regarded 
kindly. It does not appear that Canadian owners participated in receiving 
any part of the ^"20,000,000 appropriated under the imperial acts for the 
indemnity of masters. The passing of our act of 1793 was wise and 
opportune, and left the province free to work in harmony with the 
Northern states of the Union and the other colonies which had already 
adopted, or which were soon to adopt, similar measures. When the harsh 
system of the Southern states drove many refugees to the Northern 
states, and owing to the feeling and laws of exclusion there the blacks 
went across the border, they found in Canada a home. Here for half a 
century they came as to a Goshen or land of refuge, until at the outbreak 
of the late war between the North and South fully thirty thousand had 
been sheltered, and to a great extent educated and prepared, under our 
municipal and benevolent institutions, for the proper exercise and enjoy- 
ment of the rights and duties of free men. To the end of time Africa will 
bless Canada for the refuge and home given to her children in that period 
of their trouble and trial. 


It is not wholly past. Irrespective of railways, the telegraph, the tre- 
mendous march of civilization and luxury, there are yet mountain nooks 
and lowland corners where the housemother cards, spins, and weaves most 
of the family raiment. Seventy-five years ago the practice was well nigh 
universal, especially among the people dwelling beyond the Alleghenies, 
southward of the Ohio river and east of the Mississippi. There were 
hunters and trappers among these pioneers, for the most part men of sub- 
stance who had courage and enterprise enough to take themselves and 
their belongings from the sandy seaboard to the rich interior valleys of Ten- 
nessee beyond the mountains. The journey thither occupied three months 
or more and was usually begun in August or September, ending before 
Christmas. The earliest settlers traveled in companies. When subsequent- 
ly the roads were free from hostile Indians, families moved independently. 

A planter's household was unwieldy in those early days. There was an 
immense moving-wagon with a canvas cover, filled with family necessaries 
and domestic utensils ; ox-carts crammed with children, white and black ; 
grown negroes on foot and on horseback, the master also well mounted, and 
the mistress in a gig. If there was a baby he was put into a bag, all but his 
head, and tied fast in the bottom of the gig. The vehicle was built to 
carry but one, and its driver had to use both hands in guiding her horse 
up and down the mountain. In places the road was so steep that it 
became necessary to fell trees and make drags behind the vehicle, which 
without them would have toppled over upon the horse. In such cases 
the baby was further secured by a foot each side his small person. 

Ten miles was then an average day's journey, and there was no travel- 
ing upon Sunday. It was sometimes necessary to rest also upon a week 
day, to say nothing of halts for repairs, detention by high water or storms 
that blockaded the way with fallen timber. In this fashion they journeyed, 
those stout-hearted people. 

One especial caravan of movers crossed the mountains in the first years 
of this century, and made its last halt in the middle Cumberland valley. 
As the crow flies it was six hundred miles from the old home to the new. 
The trail was perhaps a hundred miles longer. The master had been over 
it before. With several stout axmen, the previous winter, he had crossed 
the mountains, and stayed long enough to build cabins to shelter his flock. 
No bit of metal went into these crude homes ; neither nail, screw, bolt, 


bar. lock, nor hinge. The walls were of logs with the bark on, deeply 
notched at the corners. The cracks between were daubed with clay. 
Floors were of earth, beaten hard and smooth ; roofs of rived boards, 
fastened on with stout poles. Chimneys there were none. At one end of 
each cabin a fire-back of stone and clay was built, six feet high, across the 
whole width of it. The stone hearth was equally ample. Smoke escaped 
through a hole in the roof, and was conducted thither by an inner wall 
of logs beginning six feet from the floor, and rising three feet from the 
outer wall. Upon occasions the fire could be as wide as the house. Most 
of the time a pile of five-foot logs in the middle of the hearth made the 
big barn-like square more than comfortably warm. 

Doors were of puncheons pinned together with wooden pegs. Punch- 
eons — that is, thick slabs split the whole width of a tree trunk — also made 
a loft to the " white folks' house ; " those for the negroes had only the roof. 
In other respects they were identical. Windows were unheard of, but 
cracks and crannies on every side admitted plenty of light. It was a typ- 
ical home in the wilderness. It sheltered forty souls. Within ten years 
salt, iron, powder, and lead were the only necessaries that the plantations 
did not themselves supply. Great maple trees along the creek gave abun- 
dant sugar, bees reclaimed from the woods added honey to the store, and 
cattle and sheep multiplied, throve, and grew fat on the cane. Thence 
came milk, meat, cheese, butter, and wool, as well as hides for tanning into 
shoe and harness leather. The clearings overran with tan-bark. Hogs 
raised themselves in the woods, and fatted on mast. Bacon was so plenty 
it was " not worth stealing," the country folks said. Corn-bread and hom- 
iny were lavishly plenty every day in the year. Lacking granaries and 
threshing-floors, wheaten bread was scarce enough to be known as " English 
dough." Very little land was sown with wheat. It was cut with the reap- 
hook, a handful at a time. For threshing it was laid in a circle, heads out, 
while small boys, white and black, tramped round and round over it. It 
was winnowed by dropping from a height in gentle wind. Before it went 
to mill the house mistress picked it over by hand, washed it clean, and dried 
it on a sheet in the sun. Naturally biscuit were in the nature of an event. 
To go with them or the more usual " fatty bread " — that is, very greasy 
corn-bread — there were rye coffee and sassafras-root tea. Stronger drinks 
were not lacking, either. Not to mention mead and methylene that the 
honey insured. This pioneer brought apple seeds, packed in a pewter 
quart pot and tied to his saddle-bow. His first care was to plant them. 
In five years he had an orchard to furnish cider and apple brandy. 

Long before that he had a frame house, notwithstanding there was no 


saw-mill within a hundred miles. His woods abounded in poplars that 
seemed to cry out to be turned into plank. In the second year he set up 
a saw-pit, and from it got by hand-power lumber for an eight-room house; 
and in like manner he furnished it. He brought from the east no stick of 
house-plenishing save a tall eight-day clock and a big mahogany desk, 
but there was cherry and walnut in any quantity in his woodland. Neither 
he nor his men knew anything of cabinet work, yet he planned and they 
manufactured tables, bureaus, bedsteads, presses, and cupboards wonderful 
to behold ! Tanning, shoemaking, cooperage, distilling, went on in much 
the same fashion. The master knew only their broad general principles. 
Practice made his servants reasonably perfect in all. For head-gear he 
ordained straw hats and coon-skin caps — both, of course, home-made. 
Felt hats were beyond him, he was wont to say, though he was several 
times upon point of undertaking to make them. 

His wife and daughters were no whit behind him in thrift and energy. 
Each of them was a dabster at her wheel, cards, loom, needle, or netting 
shuttle. In addition, all the negro women with young children stayed in 
their cabins to card and spin. Some of the older ones were expert weav- 
ers — nothing to compare, however, with the mistress and her daughters. 
The weaving-house had a loom in each corner. There was hardly a day 
in the year but you might hear the click and thud of shuttle and batten. 
Cotton, wool, flax, tow, the plantation supplied abundantly , indigo, too, 
for the then prevalent blue dye. White oak bark gave a brownish red, hick- 
ory bark or peach leaves a fairly good yellow. Maple bark dyed a rich 
blackish purple, the root of white walnut one shade of brown, the bark and 
hulls of black walnut another, very near to the modern seal brown. Green 
walnuts mixed with sumach berries furnished a good black — in fact, 
woods and fields supplied colors in variety. 

Extravagant folks who insisted upon red and green and bright blue in 
their garments went many miles to some trading-post for madder, cochineal, 
green vitriol, " boughten indigo," Spanish brown, and their like. Even 
the patron of home manufactures frequently indulged in elegant superflui- 
ties. Every third year he built a flat-boat on the Cumberland six miles 
away, loaded it with bacon, corn, tobacco in hogsheads, fowls, peltry, and 
dried fruit, put one of his sons in charge, and sent the boat to New Orleans. 
Its cargo was mainly the product of his own land. Sometimes it included 
rolls of jean, linsey, striped cotton cloth, or very stout flax. Oddly 
enough, the French settlers along the Mississippi knew little of cloth mak- 
ing and were eager buyers of such wares, and when the boat reached New 
Orleans every thread would be gone. The price of the cargo was apt to be 


invested in silk gowns, a leghorn bonnet, cloth pelisse, or jewelry, that the 
next keel-boat would take slowly up-river to its expectant owner, for the 
flat-boatman walked back along the trails of the Indian country, and beat 
the keel-boatmen home at least a month. When the latter did arrive there 
was great rejoicing, for besides the precious finery, one was brought a 
gun, another a fiddle, to still another broadcloth for his wedding coat, or 
a big Bible in which he might set down the names and birthdays of his 
growing family. Here was a side-saddle, there a looking-glass, besides great 
stores of crockery, calico, fiddle-strings, powder and shot, cutlery, calomel, 
jalap, senna, epsom salts, rhubarb, and tartar emetic. Heads of families 
bought medicines in moderate quantity and administered them at their 
own discretion. Everybody, sick or well, had a " dose " in spring. Usually 
it contained tartar, and the sicker it made the patient the better his 
chance for health throughout the rest of the year. 

For every soul on the Cumberland plantation three new suits of clothes 
a year were spun, woven, dyed, cut, and made. In addition house-linen in 
abundance — towels, sheets, table-cloths, toilet covers, bed and window cur- 
tains ; above all, counterpanes, the supreme product of the weaver's art. 
Anybody who could throw a shuttle and work a treadle could weave plain 
cloth. Checks, jeans, serge, required but little additional skill. Only a 
past mistress of the art, though, could produce dimity, huckaback, diamond 
diaper, and honeycomb or combine them in stripes and blocks after the 
most intricate fashion. 

Many of these now treasured as heirlooms are surprisingly handsome 
— far and away beyond the successors of them that crowd modern shops. 
Woolen fabrics were colored in the thread, and so woven as to have the pat- 
tern in a hue different from the ground. Cotton and flax were woven just 
as they came from the spinning, and afterward bleached snow-white by 
means of soap-suds and sunshine. Made up, they were of a generous size. 
There was very little ornament about the bedsteads, which stood four feet 
above the floor, and the counterpane must reach half way to it after cov- 
ering a feather bed at least two feet thick. Counterpane fringes were 
either woven, netted, knitted, or knotted. Sometimes the maker's name 
and the date of making were wrought into the heading, which was seldom 
less than six inches deep. Below the fringe came a valance of white cloth. 
It swept the floor and was often likewise fringed. If there were bed cur- 
tains they were netted of homespun thread, or else had deep netted points 
along their edges. Pillow and bolster cases were similarly ornamented. 
So were window curtains and toilet covers, though the bed was the piece 
de resistance in furnishing. 


For the floors there were wool carpets striped with all the colors of the 
rainbow, sober rag carpets, carpets of bark, carpets of hair, or matting 
woven from rye-straw and stout, twisted warp. In summer bare floors 
were the rule. An occasional sheep-skin dyed green or yellow was the 
only approach to a rug. In log-houses the walls were thickly whitewashed. 
In frame dwellings they were either ceiled with yellow poplar, or wain- 
scoted with native walnut. 

Only the very richest settlers had glass in their windows. It came by 
wagon from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, thence was freighted down the 
Ohio in bateaux and hauled painfully into the interior, often several 
hundred miles, over roads that were mere trails. Thence, too, came school- 
books and singing-masters. The books were bought economically, used 
sparingly. No pupil had more than one besides the ever-present blue 
speller. Boys had usually an arithmetic or reader. Grammars and geog- 
raphies fell to the lot of girls. School opened at sunrise and continued all 
day. Lessons w r ere learned and recited when the spirit moved master or 
pupil. Singing-school was a much more orderly affair. In fact, it was 
quite a social occasion. Its pupils were grown-up young people who felt it 
necessary to wear their very best clothes and display their best manners. 
White muslins and printed jaconets were seen there in mid-winter side 
by side with plaid linseys and blanket-coats. The master with his tuning- 
fork was the central figure — often, too, a most grotesque one. The pro- 
fession was a favorite refuge for those who failed in all other occupations. 
A few teachers were really capable, and trained the magnificent strength 
of backwood voices into harmony. 

No system of calisthenics yet devised ever gave the poise, the balance, 
the feminine grace and beauty, or the rounded curves that came from days 
of work at the spinning-wheel and the loom. Every muscle was brought 
into play and developed. A handsome girl warping was a sight worth 
going miles to see. More than one family in the southwest preserves as 
an heirloom a great-grandmother's homespun wedding gown ; nothing very 
remarkable, maybe, either in texture or fineness, only a scant garment 
of yellowish cotton or linen ; but it is questionable whether its present 
possessor would exchange it for the richest of lace. It speaks of courage 
and contentment, of self-reliance and industry — homespun virtues still 
dear to the descendants of those who in homespun fashion won an empire 
from the wilderness. 

'cd V 'ife 




Ye gentlemen and ladies fair who grace this famous city, 
Just listen, if you've time to spare, while I rehearse a ditty, 
And for the opportunity conceive yourselves quite lucky, 
For 'tis not often that you see a hunter of Kentucky. 
Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

I suppose you've read it in the prints, how Pakenham attempted 
To make Old Hickory Jackson wince, and how his scheme repented ; 
For we with rifles ready cocked thought such occasion lucky, 
And soon around the general flocked, the hunters of Kentucky. 
Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

I suppose you've read how New Orleans is famed for wealth and beauty, 
There are girls of every hue, it seems, from snowy white to sooty ; 
So Pakenham he made his brags, if he in fight were lucky, 
He'd have their girls and cotton bags, in spite of old Kentucky. 
Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

Now, Jackson he was wide awake, and wasn't scared at trifles, 

For well he knew what aim we took with our Kentucky rifles ; 

So he led us down to Cypress Swamp — the ground was low and mucky, 

There stood " John Bull " with martial pomp, but here was old Kentucky. 

Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

They didn't let our patience tire, but quickly showed their faces ; 
We didn't choose to waste our fire, so snugly kept our places, 
And when so near we saw them wink, we thought it time to stop 'em. 
It would have done you good, I think, to see " Kentucky " drop 'em. 
Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

They found at length 'twas vain to fight when lead was all the booty, 
And so they wisely took to flight and left us all the beauty ; 
And now when danger e'er annoys, remember what our trade is, 
Just send for us Kentucky boys, and we'll protect the ladies. 
Oh, Kentucky, we're the hunters of Kentucky. 

{Contributed by) 


* These lines, it is believed, were first sung in a New Orleans theatre just after the battle of 
New Orleans, and created great enthusiasm. They were republished in the Democratic news- 
papers, and became very popular at the time Andrew Jackson was the candidate and elected Presi- 
dent of the United States in 1828. 


The literary life of the renowned subject of our frontispiece was very 
remarkable. Born in 1663, and graduating from Harvard college when he 
was only sixteen years of age, Cotton Mather developed with unparalleled 
rapidity and soon became an 1 important factor in every intellectual move- 
ment. He wrote of himself: "I am able with little study to write in 
seven languages. I feast myself with the sweets of all the sciences which 
the more polite part of mankind ordinarily pretend to. I am entertained 
with all kinds of histories, ancient and modern. . . . I am no stranger 
to the curiosities which, by all sorts of learning, are brought to the 
curious." He had a world-wide acquaintance and corresponded with phi- 
losophers and learned men in every civilized country. His first book was 
printed when he was twenty-two years old, although he had written many 
poems and almanacs before that time ; and he afterward produced upward 
of three hundred and eighty-two publications. 

With civil affairs Cotton Mather had much less to do than his father, 
yet it is believed that his forcible interposition, both oral and written, 
saved Governor Andros and his council from being put to death by the 
people of Boston in the excitement attending the receipt of the news of 
the English revolution in 1689. Cotton Mather pinned his faith for 
some time to the reality of witchcraft, which would be surprising to us 
indeed, did we not know that belief in witches had prevailed for hundreds 
of years before he was born. In the century before his birth thousands of 
such accused persons had been put to death in Germany, France, Spain, 
and England, and during his youth great numbers of alleged witches were 
burned in England under the judicial administrations of Sir Matthew Hale 
and Chief Justice Holt. Cotton Mather placed his early views on imper- 
ishable record, writing in 1693 : " We have been advised by some credible 
Christians yet alive that a malefactor, accused of witchcraft as well as 
murder, and executed in this place more than forty years ago, did then 
give notice of an horrible plot against the country by witchcraft, and a 
foundation of witchcraft then laid which, if it were not seasonably dis- 
covered, would probably blow up and pull down all the churches in the 
country. And we have now with horror seen the discovery of such a 
witchcraft ! An army of devils is horribly broke in upon the place which 
is the centre and, after a sort, the first-born of our English settlements." 


He further wrote: "In all the witchcraft which now grievously vexes 
us, I know not whether anything be more unaccountable than the trick 
which the witches have to render themselves and their tools invisible. 
Witchcraft seems to be the skill of applying the plastic spirit of the world 
unto some unlawful purposes by means of a confederacy with evil spirits. 
Yet one would wonder how the evil spirits themselves can do some things, 
especially at invisibilizing of the grossest bodies. I can tell the name of 
an ancient author who pretends to show the way how a man may come to 
walk about invisible, and I can tell the name of another ancient author 
who pretends to explode that way. But I will not speak too plainly lest 
I should unawares poison some of my readers, as the pious Hemingius did 
one of his pupils, when he only by way of diversion recited a spell which 
they said would cure agues. This much I will say : the notion of procur- 
ing invisibility by any natural expedient yet known is, I believe, a mere 
Plinyism ; how far it may be obtained by a magical sacrament is best 
known to the dangerous knaves that have try'd it. 

There are certain people very dogmatical about these matters ; but I'll 
give them only these three bones to pick. First, one of our bewitched 
people was cruelly assaulted by a spectre that she said ran at her with a 
spindle, though nobody else in the room could see either the spectre or 
the spindle. At last in her miseries giving a snatch at the spectre, she 
pulled the spindle away, and it was no sooner got into her hand but the 
other people then present beheld that it was indeed a real, proper, iron 
spindle, belonging they knew to whom ; which when they locked up very 
safe, it was nevertheless by demons unaccountably stole away to do further 
mischief. Secondly, another of our bewitched people was haunted with 
a most abusive spectre, which came to her, she said, with a sheet about 
her. After she had undergone a deal of teaze from the annoyance of the 
spectre, she gave a violent snatch at the sheet that was upon it ; wherefrom 
she tore a corner, which in her hand immediately became visible to a 
roomful of spectators ; a palpable corner of a sheet." 

The course of Cotton Mather in the persecution of the witches has 
been severely criticised ; but the prejudices of the times had much to do 
with it, and it is a fact worthy of remembrance that he with his associates 
saw the measure of the delusion and brought it to an end long before the 
same results were produced in England. It is said that Cotton Mather's 
private library was the largest one of its kind on the continent, and that 
he had a wider acquaintance with books and knew more of the history of 
the country than any one of his contemporaries. 


In an interesting paper on an interesting theme, prepared by request and read 
before the Tarry town Historical Society on the 16th of December, 1890, Mr. M. D. 
Raymond says : " The history of Tarrytown while yet a part and parcel of the 
manor of Philipsburgh is in itself a distinct era, and may well be entitled the 
patriarchal period. It was preeminently pastoral and peaceful. Then came the 
shock and upheaval of the Revolution. And to their everlasting honor be it re- 
corded that, notwithstanding the fact that the lord of the manor was in accord with 
the king, there were but few tories in this vicinage. The tenantry from the first 
were in full sympathy with the cause of the colonies ; and although sore trials were 
in store for them, their fields devastated, their property wasted, and the tragedy of 
war enacted at their doors, its rude alarms and terrible realism did not serve to 
repress their patriotism or awe them into submission. The British General Howe 
could not well have paid them a higher compliment than when he said, after his 
fruitless movement in this direction in 1777, ' I can do nothing with this Dutch 
population ; I can neither buy them with money, nor conquer them by force. ' 
And then again, later in the same year, date of November, 1777, their persistent 
patriotism elicited that infamous brutal order from the royal governor Tryon, to 
burn Tarrytown ; which however, happily, in the face of the ringing defiance of 
General Parsons of the continental army, he had not the temerity to undertake. But 
what less of sturdy patriotism and courage could have been expected of the de- 
scendants of the heroic Netherlanders who under William the Silent maintained for 
thirty years successful resistance against the most powerful and cruel despotism of 
the sixteenth century in Europe, and by their glorious deeds forever immortalized 
the annals of the Dutch republic ? 

The following is a literal transcript from the diary of Lieutenant-Governor Pierre 
Van Cortlandt, which gives the record of Washington's final visit to Tarrytown, 
on the 19th of November, 1783, the original of which, now in the possession of Mrs. 
Van Cortlandt of the manor house at Croton Landing, having recently been in our 
hands : 'I went from Peekskill Tuesday, the 18th of November, in company with 
his Excellency Governor Clinton, Coll. Benson and Coll. Campbell ; lodged that 
night with Gen. (his son Philip) Cortlandt at Croton River ; proceeded, and lodged 
Wednesday at Edw. Counhoven's, where we met his Excellency Gov. Washington 
and his aids ; the next night lodged with Mr. Fred K. Van Cortlandt at the 
Yonkers, after having dined with Gen. Lewis Morris. Friday morning, in com- 
pany with the Commander-in-Chief, as far as the Widow Days at Harlem, where 


we held a council. Saturday I rode down to Mr. Stuyvesant's (his brother-in-law). 
Stayed there until Tuesday ; then rode triumphant into the city with the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. ' 

Washington had evidently come down in advance of the governor and his 
party, possibly with General Knox and the Light Infantry on way from West 
Point to participate in the ceremonies of evacuation, in the triumphal entry into 
the city of New York. He had come leisurely, and as he drew near Tarrytovvn 
his memory may well have recurred to past scenes, to his experiences in war times 
here and near at hand. As he came in view of the Old Dutch Church he re- 
membered the marching of the troops that day and the welcome rest there ; and 
as he saw at hand the old manor house, which he is said to have visited on occa- 
sions during the war, he may have thought of the fair daughter of its former 
owner, whose suitor if accepted he had been, how it might have changed the cur- 
rent of his life and hers, how the broad acres of this manor untainted of treason 
might then have been his own. We say he might have thought of all this as he 
passed that way, and as he came nearer and to the spot, and crossed the little 
stream which proved the fatal Rubicon to Andre, the vision of that drama may 
well have vividly appeared to him — that thrilling drama in the right acting of 
which three Tarrytown patriots, Paulding, Williams, and Van Wart, were for- 
ever immortalized. He remembered them and called them clearly to mind, for 
he had personally presented them with their medals of award and had honored 
them with seats at his table. And on the shaft that rises there to-day is engraved 
with pen of steel the words of Washington, forever striking dumb the tongue of 
calumny, and heralding their fair fame : ' Their conduct merits our warmest 
esteem. — Geo. Washington.' And so for the last time Washington came to Tarry- 
town, and in company with his aids stopped at the well-kept hostelry of Edward 
Couenhoven, where he had been before and where he met Governor Clinton and 
Lieutenant-Governor Van Cortlandt and staff. What a courtly meeting that was 
we may well imagine. The war successfully ended, independence was achieved, 
and now the commander-in-chief was to meet the governor of this state, and so 
journey on together in grand procession to the city of New York. We may be 
assured that the punctilious military and courtly etiquette of the time was scrupu- 
lously observed on that occasion, and never before or since was there such an affair 
in Tarrytown. We may picture General Washington with his brilliant retinue that 
day. Among his aids was Colonel David Cobb of Massachusetts, a graduate of 
Harvard, delegate to the provincial congress in 1775, and afterward lieutenant 
governor of Massachusetts-; — a brave soldier and a cultured gentleman ; Colonel 
David Humphreys of Connecticut, the companion and trusted aid of Washington, 
a doctor of laws, afterward ambassador to the courts of Portugal and Spain, and 
an eminent historian and poet ; the brilliant McHenry and the fiery Tilghman of 
Maryland ; Colonel Webb, a distinguished son of Connecticut ; Colonel William 
S. Smith, a graduate of Princeton, a gifted and gallant cavalier, afterward secretary 


of legation to London where he married the beautiful Abigail Adams, only- 
daughter of John Adams, then minister plenipotentiary and afterward President 
of the United States — Colonel Smith who not only had a mission abroad, but was 
afterward surveyor of customs and marshal of New York, president of the society 
of Cincinnati and member of congress in 1 813 from the Herkimer and Madison 
districts of this state ; Colonel Benjamin Walker, private secretary, afterward naval 
officer of New York, member of congress, etc. Baron Steuben was doubtless pres- 
ent, the renowned inspector-general of the continental army, and former aid to 
Frederick the Great. It was such a distinguished suite that turned out with 
Washington in knightly array to meet the great war governor of this state and his 
staff, as they rode into Tarrytown that day. 

Governor George Clinton was himself one of the conspicuous and foremost men 
of that time. As a youth of seventeen he had joined a privateer on the high seas, 
and at nineteen won distinction as a lieutenant in the successful expedition under 
Colonel Bradstreet against Fort Frontenac ; was successively surrogate, member 
of the provincial assembly of this state in 1775, in 1776 a brigadier-general in the 
continental army, from 1777 to 1795 governor of this state, president of the con- 
vention to deliberate on the federal Constitution, governor again from 1801 to 
1804, and served two terms as vice-president of the United States. This was the 
the then Governor and General George Clinton, eminent as a soldier and as a 
civilian, none ever more so in the history of the empire state. 

There was Lieutenant-Governor and General Pierre Van Cortlandt, who, 
spurning the seductions of the loyalist governor Tryon, had bravely risked his for- 
tunes and his all in the cause of the struggling colonies — a patriarch with the 
benignant mien and broad philanthropy of a Franklin, of pure and blameless life 
and unsullied character — a patriot indeed. For eighteen years he filled the office 
of lieutenant-governor with honor, also during much of the early war period 
acted as president of the provincial congress. And there were his aids : Colonel 
Robert Benson, the able secretary of the provincial congress and private secretary 
of the governor, and afterward prominent in public affairs ; and his associate 
Colonel Campbell, probably Colonel Samuel Campbell, then of Cherry Valley, New 

This was the personnel, as near as may be, of the official party that met that 
day in Tarrytown, with Washington peerless above them all. And they were 
guests at the modest inn of Edward Couenhoven, corner of Main street and Broad- 
way, and the next day they went on together, an imposing cavalcade, in the direc- 
tion of Yonkers and New York. And so they rode away — Governor Clinton com- 
ing to his own ; Washington thoughtful of the morrow, of the sad parting with his 
comrades-at-arms, and of the great labor which yet remained of welding the states 
into a nation." 

Vol. XXV.— No. 3.— 17 




A distinguished gathering assembled in the Arlington Street Church in Boston 
on the 24th of January last, to celebrate the one hundredth birthday of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, the oldest historical society on this continent. The 
exercises were opened with music on the organ and an eloquent address by Rev. 
Dr. George E. Ellis, president of the society, who remarked : " Having been privi- 
leged with membership through just half of the century of the society, I have per- 
sonally known at least three-quarters of those who in the swift generations have 
been on that roll. As I have run my eye over it I have been impressed by the 
thought that it is a largely inclusive list of the scholars and writers in this state, in 
biography, history, and general literature, with senators, judges, high magistrates, 
eminent merchants, who were more than merchants, and benefactors of city, state, 
and nation." He made a touching reference to the memory of George Bancroft, 
our nation's greatest historian, whose recent death, in his ninety-first year, " re- 
moves from our roll the name which had been longest upon it, before that of "any 
now living, as a resident member till his removal from this state, and since as lead- 
ing our honorary list. We wait for the opportunity to commemorate him." 

In presenting the next speaker, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Dr. Ellis said : 
" Happily our associate whose name has been longest upon the roll of our resident 
members is with us here to-day. That name has borne its honors not only through 
the continued history of the period of this society, but from the beginning of our 
wilderness history. The venerable father and founder of Massachusetts, whose 
autograph journal of its plantation is enshrined in our cabinet, is represented by 
a living voice which we are to hear. Robert C. Winthrop was our faithful and 
honored president for thirty years, and there is no reason but his own wish why he 
is not so to-day. I will ask him to speak to us the few words which he has prom- 
ised on this occasion." 

Mr. Winthrop said : " I thank you, Mr. President, I thank you sincerely, for 
the compliment of this call and for the kind terms in which you have expressed it. 
I heartily wish it were in my power to render a more adequate or even any audible 
response. It is, however, a most gracious and welcome arrangement of our com- 
mittee which has summoned us oldest members and oldest men to the front at the 
outset of these exercises, to invoke, it may be, the blessing of God, or to say our 
little say and be disposed of, leaving a clear and ample field for our accomplished 
and eloquent younger brother Colonel Higginson. To him, I am conscious, belong 
rightfully the topics and the time of this occasion, and I shall trespass very briefly 
upon either of them. I could not, however, my friends, I could not find it quite 
in my heart to refuse altogether the invitation of the committee, and be wholly 


silent on this one hundredth anniversary of a society with which I have been so 
long and so peculiarly connected. 

It is true, Mr. President, as you have reminded us, it is true, though it seems to 
me like as a dream when one awaketh, that I am in my fifty-second year of member- 
ship, having been a resident member for more than one-half and president for 
nearly one-third of the whole century which is commemorated to-day. I cannot 
forget that my immediate predecessor in the order of election was the genial and 
beloved Prescott, whose Ferdinand and Isabella, which will have a new interest 
for us as the anniversary of the advent of Columbus approaches, holds no second 
place among those historical triumphs which have been successively achieved by 
our lamented Ticknor and Sparks and Palfrey and Frothingham and Motley and 
Bancroft, and by our living and still laboring Francis Parkman ; and had this cele- 
bration occurred only a single week earlier, my friends, I might have said, and 
should have said, that there was one left, the only one, of those by whom I was 
elected and into whose company I was admitted fifty-two years ago. George Ban- 
croft was then a resident member of our society, just entering upon those historical 
labors which have rendered him so illustrious throughout the world. To-day, 
when his grave is but just closed, we can remember him only, as I certainly do, 
with heartfelt emotions of respect, of affection, and of sorrow. 

I dare not detain you by dwelling on the occasions when Edward Everett was 
charming us by his tributes to Humboldt and Hallam and Lord Macaulay, and to 
our great benefactor Thomas Dowse ; or when the venerable Josiah Quincy, so 
long our senior member, was entertaining us with extracts from his patriot father's 
journal, or with his own personal reminiscences of Washington ; or when dear old 
James Savage was electrifying us with flashes of wit, or astounding us with some 
nugget of history freshly dug out from mines which he was never weary of explor- 
ing ; or when Emerson was regaling us with some of his humorous and pungent 
paragraphs about Thomas Carlyle or Walter Scott ; or, once again, when good 
George Livermore was ushering us with so much rapture into that Dowse library 
which he had done more than any one else to secure, arrange, and decorate, and 
where sons and grandsons have since been welcomed to the chairs of their fathers 
or grandfathers. All these incidents and many others like them are fresh in the 
memory of others as well as of myself, and I must hasten to a conclusion. 

Until this society was organized, a hundred years ago to-day, by our eminent 
and revered founder Dr. Jeremy Belknap— prompted, as we may not forget, by 
Mr. John Pintard of the St. Tammany Society of New York — no historical society 
existed in America. I am not sure that there was such a society in any part of 
the world. But the fullness of time had come. The Constitution of the United 
States had been adopted. Washington was already in the second year of the first 
term of his illustrious and incomparable presidency. A glorious future was just 
opening for our country and for political and human liberty everywhere, though by 
many eyes it could only be seen as through a glass darkly. It was only our great 


Bostonian Franklin, who, as he gazed at the emblem on the back of the chair in 
which Washington had been seated as president of the constitutional convention, 
saw plainly that it was a rising and not a setting sun. 

The past, however, was secure. And the history of that eventful and memora- 
ble past, of that long colonial and provincial period from Jamestown and Plym- 
outh Rock, and even before Jamestown, to Lexington and Concord and Bunker 
Hill and Saratoga and Yorktown, with all its varied and momentous incidents, out 
of which a glorious nation had at length been evolved — for it was evolution even 
more than revolution which made us a nation — was still to be rescued from any 
danger or risk of oblivion, and its precious records to be gathered up and embalmed 
for posterity. That most interesting and most valuable department of historical 
labor has recently culminated in the production of The Narrative and Critical His- 
tory of America by our indefatigable corresponding secretary, now seeking fresh 
materials in Europe ; and, let me add, in the still more recent production of TJie 
Genesis of the United States, by Alexander Brown of Virginia, to which, as the 
author states in his preface, our ever lamented associate Charles Deane " gave his 
helping hand from the beginning to the end." In all that line of work this Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society was the acknowledged and recognized pioneer. 

It stood alone for ten or twelve years, but under its influence and example there 
is now hardly a state, a county, a city, town, or village without its historical society 
or something of the sort. Meantime an American Historical Association has 
reached its seventh year with a charter from congress, and promises excellent 
results. I am by no means sure, however, that it remains for any other society, 
national, state, or local, to exhibit richer and more abundant fruit than that to 
which we can this day point. 

A few more words, Mr. President, and I shall eagerly resume my seat, for my 
voice, which has served me so faithfully during a long, long life, has of late so 
sadly failed me that I dare not attempt to press it further. Our society's first 
century is completed. It is not for me to speak of the great names which have 
adorned its roll, or to review its varied and invaluable record, or to enlarge on the 
results of its influence and example in all parts of the country. I think we may 
point to them all with just satisfaction and pride. But let me only, in conclusion, 
express my fervent hope that this venerable society may have a second century as 
honorable and as distinguished as its first. I cannot ask for more ; that our com- 
monwealth and our whole country may never cease to furnish scenes and subjects 
worthy to be recorded and illustrated ; and that pens and tongues may never be 
wanting to portray them with attractiveness, with brilliancy, and above all with 
truth, ever recognizing and ever obeying those two great laws of history so tersely 
proclaimed by the matchless orator of ancient Rome, ' Ne quid falsi dicere audeat, 
ne quid veri non audeat ' — never daring to say what is false, nor ever not daring to 
say what is true ! " 

After an anthem by the choir President Ellis introduced Thomas Wentworth 


Higginson to deliver the commemorative discourse of the day. In the course of 
his address Colonel Higginson said that history could not be called an exact science 
in the sense that mathematics was an exact science, yet, in view of its value, there 
was much temptation to call its work scientific. It might rather be called an inex- 
act science, since its truths were so difficult to arrive at. Every historical society 
had to cope with the difficulties of varying observation of events, and could only 
do its best to attain the simple truth by as careful investigation and preservation of 
evidence as possible. Yet history should not be merely a collection of facts. The 
sunlight of actual life should be let in upon it to brighten and enliven it, and make 
it seem real and life-like. The gloom which seems to hang perpetually over the 
Puritan character and life is due to the absence of incident, the lack of life-like 
portraiture in the chronicles of the day. Such an incident as that related of Cot- 
ton Mather did much to lighten the gloom. The venerable preacher, the terror to 
evil-doers, was one day walking the street, when a boy, urged by his companions, 
shouted in his ear, " Cotton Mather, thou art a fool." Instead of calling the con- 
stables, the preacher calmly said to the boy : " I know it. The Lord make thee 
and me wiser," and then went on his way, chuckling inwardly at the discomfiture 
of his would-be tormentor. So a new light was thrown on the character of Wash- 
ington by the incident related by Washington Irving, when the Father of his 
Country was so amused as to actually roll upon the ground in a spasm of laughter. 
This was about the only thing in history to show that Washington ever laughed. 
"And yet," said the orator, "who can doubt but that the name of Washington 
would be more beloved, would be nearer to the hearts of the people, if some of the 
stern austerity of his character as given by history could be modified by true 
human influence." In closing, Colonel Higginson referred to the work of the 
society, both as a recorder and a maker of history, and urged that the principles 
which now animated it be held steadfast. 

At the close of the ceremonies at the church there was a reception by the Hon. 
Robert C. Winthrop, at his Marlborough street home, to the members of the society 
and the guests from other cities. Nearly all present at the church were at the 
reception cordially received by Mr. and Mrs. Winthrop. 




Arithmetic in the colonial 
schools — The study of mathematics in 
the American schools prior to the Revo- 
lution consisted chiefly in learning to 
count and perform the fundamental 
operations with integral numbers. In 
1750 it was voted in Hampstead, New 
Hampshire, " to hire a schoolmaster for 
six months in ye summer season to teach 
ye children to read and write." Arith- 
metic had not yet been introduced there. 
Bronson Alcott wrote in the early part 
of this century : " Until within a few 
years no studies have been permitted in 
the day-school but spelling, reading, and 
writing. Arithmetic was taught by a few 
instructors one cr two evenings in a 
week, but in spite of the most deter- 
mined opposition arithmetic is now per- 
mitted in the day-school." The best 
teachers of these times were college 
students or college graduates who en- 
gaged in teaching as a stepping-stone to 
something better. A little " ciphering" 
was taught in secondary schools, and if 
some pupil of rare genius managed to 
master fractions, or even pass beyond 
the "rule of three," he was judged a 
finished mathematician. Slates were un- 
known for school use until after the Rev- 
olution. Blackboards were introduced 
much later. In the earlier schools arith- 
metic was hardly ever taught to girls. 
One of the earliest purely arithmetical 
books used in this country was the 
work of James Hodder, a famous Eng- 
lish teacher. 

nearly completed by Mr. William L. 
Stone of Jersey City, New Jersey, which 
will consist of private letters of the most 
interesting character, written by officers 
and privates from this country to their 
relatives and friends in Germany during 
the American Revolution. They were 
published at the time in a German maga- 
zine called Scholozers Letter Exchange, 
which was continued through the year 
1782. These letters contain descriptions 
of the inhabitants of the different towns 
and cities of America, their habits, cus- 
toms, etc., with personal descriptions of 
many of the great Revolutionary generals. 
There is one letter in the collection from 
Baron Steuben on his first arrival in 
America, giving a detailed account of 
his reception, the character and appear- 
ance of congress, and the peculiarities 
of the continental army. Mr. Stone has 
with considerable trouble and expense 
procured a set of this exceedingly rare 
publication from Brunswick, Germany, 
and translated the letters, and if suffi- 
cient subscriptions are obtained will 
shortly publish it in one handsome large 
volume. Price, $3.00. Limited edition. 

Letters relating to the revo- 
lutionary war — An important work is 

Sir walter scott's modesty — The 
following is from the pen of James Bal- 
lantyne the printer : " Sir Walter at all 
times labored under the strangest delu- 
sion as to the merits of his own works. 
On this score he was not only inacces- 
sible to compliments, but even insensible 
to the truth ; in fact, at all times he 
hated to talk of any of his productions ; 
as, for instance, he greatly preferred Mrs. 



Shelley's Frankenstein to any of his 
own romances. I remember one day 
when Mr. Erskine and I were dining 
with him, either immediately before or 
immediately after the publication of one 
of the best of the latter, and were giving 
it the high praise we thought it deserved, 
he asked us abruptly whether we had 
read Frankenstein. We answered that 
we had not. 'Ah,' he said, 'have pa- 
tience, read Frankenstein, and you will 

be better able to judge of .' You 

will easily judge of the disappointment 
thus prepared for us. When I ventured, 
as I sometimes did, to press him on the 
score of the reputation he had gained, 

he merely asked, as if determined to 
be done with the discussion, ' Why, what 
is the value of a reputation which prob- 
ably will not last above one or two gen- : 
erations?' One morning, I recollect, I 
went into his library, shortly after the 
publication of the Lady of the Lake, 
and finding Miss Scott there, who was 
then a very young girl, I asked her, 
' Well, Miss Sophia, how do you like the 
Lady of the Lake with which every- 
body is so much enchanted ? ' Her 
answer was, with affecting simplicity, 
' Oh, I have not read it. Papa says 
there's nothing so bad for young girls as 
reading bad poetry,' " 


Bellows — Among the early paintings 
of the American artist Albert F. Bel- 
lows, there was one entitled " The Three 
Eras of Woman's Life," picturing birth, 
marriage, and death. I think this paint- 
ing was copied in engraving. It was 
painted at Windsor, Connecticut. Can 
any one tell where the painting or the 
engraving can be found ? 

Horace Edwin Hayden 

Wilkes Barre, Pa. 

their monograph of the Willoughby 
family — the last one in their large work 
of Family Histories and Genealogies — 
Mr. and Mrs. Edward E. Salisbury of 
New Haven, Connecticut, desiie to re- 
ceive immediately information concern- 
ing their lines from persons of Willough- 
by descent. 

Willoughby family — In preparing 

The letters of Junius — Will some 
kind reader of this magazine tell me 
what is the mystery about the " Letters 
of Junius"? Walter Hyde « 


Julius rodman and his journey 
[xxv. 179] — The " Journal of Julius 
Rodman," purporting to describe the 
first journey by white men across the 
Rocky mountains in 1792, was first pub- 
lished in 1840 in Burtons Gentleman s 
Magazine, then edited by William E. 

Burton and Edgar A. Poe. In January 
number, Chapter I., Introductory, was* 
some account of Julius Rodman, briefly 
recapitulating various expeditions across 
the continent. In February, Chapter 
II. describes the party composing the 
expedition, the preparations for the jour- 



ney, and the details of the first two days' 
progress up the Missouri river from St. 
Charles. In March, Chapter III., August 
1 to September 5, still going up the Mis- 
souri ; April, Chapter IV., September 5, 
1791, to April 10, 1792, describes the In- 
dians of the Northwest, and an encounter 
with the Sioux ; May, Chapter V., April 
10, 1792, to May 13, when the party ar- 
rived at the junction of the Yellowstone 
with the Missouri ; June, Chapter VI. 
describes the peculiar cliff formations 
along the Upper Missouri, and an ex- 
citing fight with two huge brown bears. 
These are all the chapters published. 
The cover of the January number had 
contained a note particularly calling at- 
tention to this journal, announcing that 
it would be continued throughout the 
year, concluding with the December 
number. On the inside of the cover of 
the June number is this brief announce- 
ment : " Our readers are respectfully in- 
formed that in future Edgar A. Poe will 
not be connected with this magazine." 
That explains why the journal was not 
"continued throughout the year," al- 
though it does not explain why Poe never 
finished it. The " Journal of Julius 
Rodman " was exhumed by John H. In- 
gram, and was first published in Poe's 
works, in the edition in four volumes 
compiled by him, published in 1885 m 
London and New York, pp. 3-90, Vol. 
IV. I think there can be very little 
doubt that Poe was the author. It seems 
a pity he never completed the work so 
well begun. I have been somewhat 
minute in describing the particulars of 
the publication from my own copy of 
Burton's Magazine, because the maga- 
zine is scarce, and many admirers of 

Poe are not familiar with this work of 
his. William Nelson 

Paterson, N. J. 

Washington's aids-de-camp [xxiv 
481, xxv. 89] — John Graham, major in 
the Revolutionary army, was with Gen- 
eral Washington when he crossed the 
Delaware river, and is one of the persons 
represented in the picture, Washington 
Crossing the Delaware. He was aid- 
de-camp on Washington's staff. This 
information I received from Major 
Graham's daughter. Nuogam 

Hudson, N. Y. 

Yankee, or yankoo [xxv. 179] — 
John Dresser Chamberlain, my grand- 
father, wrote in 1870 : " According to 
tradition we descended from two brothers 
who came from England, one of whom 
settled in Massachusetts and the other 
in Connecticut. Benjamin Chamberlain, 
a descendant of the Massachusetts stock, 
was a great warrior against the Indians, 
and many of his exploits were printed in 
his biography. One was that he fought 
the Yankoo chief — Yankoo meaning 
'conqueror' in English — and whipped 
him. Then the chief said : ' I no more 
Yankoo, you Yankoo,' and from that 
time and circumstance the name was 
transferred to the whites, now called 
Yankees." Benjamin Chamberlain lived 
at Southborough, Massachusetts, during 
the Revolutionary war, twenty-eight 
miles west of Boston. He had seventeen 
children. He said his boys must fight, 
which they did, and the girls must spin 
and make clothing for the army, and 
help tend the farm, which was strictly 
obeyed. L. A. Alderman 

Marietta, Ohio. 




New YORK HISTORICAL society — The 
stated meeting for February was held 
on Tuesday evening, February 3, the 
Hon. John A. King in the chair. The 
paper of the evening, " The Discovery 
of America by the Northmen," was read 
by Professor Charles Sprague Smith of 
Columbia college, to a large and atten- 
tive audience. On the announcement of 
the death of the Hon. George Bancroft, 
formerly an officer of the society, the 
president read a brief memorial of the 
distinguished historian. 

biography a great deal of historical infor- 
mation about Stroudwater and vicinity. 

The maine historical society held 
its regular meeting on the 2 2d of Janu- 
ary, Hon. George F. Talbot in the 
chair. A paper of uncommon interest, 
" A Description of the Division of the 
Twelve Thousand Acres at Agamenti- 
cus," was read by William M. Sargent, 
which supplies a missing link in the his- 
tory of York. As historians know, con- 
tinual reference is found in the early 
papers to a division among the patentees 
of the twelve thousand acres in 1641, a 
date long anterior to which the record 
history has been traced. This has just 
been discovered by Mr. Sargent in the 
moldering files of papers in the York 
registry of deeds, and is of great impor- 
tance as it not only establishes titles but 
also brings to light much other historical 
data. "An Account of the Ancient 
Province of Mayne " was the title of a 
paper read by Parker M. Reed of Bath, 
and L, B. Chapman read an interesting 
paper which was in part a biographical 
sketch of Major A. T. Dole of Stroud- 
water. The paper contained besides the 

The Wisconsin historical society 
held its thirty-eighth annual meeting in 
its rooms in the state capitol, January 
15, the president, Hon. John Johnston 
of Milwaukee, in the chair. 

This society has acquired a reputation 
throughout the world of letters hardly 
second to that of any other institution 
of the kind in America, and has made a 
name for Wisconsin among cultivated 
people abroad which is even wider- 
spread than that of the state university. 
It is pleasing, therefore, to note the 
progress of the institution from year to 
year, and bear witness to its admirable 

At the close of the president's able and 
eloquent address, Secretary Reuben G. 
Thwaites, as the executive officer, pre- 
sented his annual report, in which he 
called attention to the interesting fact, 
not generally known, that the society is 
not only engaged in historical research, 
the preservation and publication of ma- 
terials for history, the building up of the 
greatest reference library in the west, 
and the maintenance of a large historical 
portrait gallery and museum — it is also a 
bureau of information on questions re- 
lating to Wisconsin, historical, scientific, 
statistical, and antiquarian. Letters come 
from all parts of Europe and America 
asking for facts and figures about Wis- 
consin and the northwest in general ; 
while not a few letters drift in from the 
several state departments in the capitol 
— " referred to the Historical Society." 




held an interesting meeting on the 9th 
of December last, at Nashville, Judge 
John M. Lea presiding. Colonel Reese, 
on behalf of the committee to consider 
the eligibility of women as members, 
reported that there was nothing in the 
rules to prevent, and, in fact, that the 
society now had a lady member — Mrs. 
Martha J. Lamb of New York. 

After the reports of various commit- 
tees had been read, and other business 
transacted, Judge Lea addressed the 
society on the subject of the Melun- 
geons. He outlined the early history 
of the settlement of North Carolina. A 
party under the protection of a friendly 
Indian chief had gone into the interior 
when the first settlers came to that coast 
and had been lost. No other settlers 
came till a century afterward, and they 
were told of a tribe who claimed a white 
ancestry, and among whom gray eyes 
were frequent. This people were traced 
to Buncomb and Robeson counties, 
where the same family and personal 
names were found as in the lost colonies. 
They are now called Croatians, on ac- 
count of a sign they made on the trees 
to keep their way. The Bosques of the 
Spanish coast have been said to have 
settled in that country, but this theory 
was not thought to be trustworthy. It 
would be impossible for negroes to form 
a distinct race, because the number 
necessary for a colony would not have 
been allowed to run at large. The race 
has several old English words which are 
used as they were in England two hun- 
dred years ago, and a case of civil rights 
has been won in court by a Melungeon 
displaying his person and proving to 

the court that he was of Caucasian 
blood. North Carolina gives the Croa- 
tians $1,000 a year for a normal school, 
and they have excellent roads. This 
colony, whose early history is thus so 
clearly traced, lies within forty miles of 
the Tennessee Melungeons. 

CIETY met on the evening of December 
2, the president, General Rogers, in the 
chair, to listen to a paper from Edwin 
D. Mead of Boston, on the " Work of 
George Washington in Opening up the 
Great West." There was a large audi- 
ence, many of them ladies. The first 
efforts of the English and French to 
colonize and possess America were re- 
ferred to ; the grasp the French had on 
Canada and the Mississippi valley was 
described ; Washington's appointment as 
an engineer to the Ohio valley to survey 
and to command the forces of the colony 
of Virginia, and his building of Fort Ne- 
cessity and surrender to the French after 
defending the fort, were traced. Mr. 
Mead then described the character which 
Washington later on assumed for a period, 
that of a land speculator. The more im- 
portant place in the lecture was given 
to an explanation and description of 
schemes for colonizing the Ohio valley, 
which Washington interested himself in, 
and the exertions and advice of Wash- 
ington on behalf of civilizing and turn- 
ing to culture and morality the new tide 
of life which began to spring up in the 
west at the close of the Revolutionary 
war. In conclusion the speaker ex- 
horted and urged his hearers to remem- 
ber the sources of our political life. 

The annual meeting was held on the 



13th of January, which was the sixty- 
ninth annual meeting of this society. 
It was devoted to the reading of various 
important reports and the election of the 
following officers : president, Horatio 
Rogers ; vice-presidents, George M. 
Carpenter and E. Benjamin Andrews ; 
secretary, Amos Perry ; treasurer, Rich- 
mond P. Everett. 

Ballantine of Newark, Garrett D. W. 
Vroom of Trenton, James Neilson of 
New Brunswick. 

The new jersey historical so- 
ciety held its annual meeting in the 
court of chancery room at the state 
house in Trenton, on the 27th of Jan- 
uary. One of its special features was 
the paper of Mr. William Nelson of Pat- 
erson, on " Berkeley and Carteret, First 
Lords Proprietors of New Jersey," which 
was commented upon in these columns 
at the time it was read before the Ge- 
nealogical and Biographical Society of 
New York some two months since. 
Mr. Nelson in this later reading pre- 
sents, however, many additional and 
valuable facts relating to New Jersey. 
A paper on Mahlon Dickerson was 
read by J. C. Pumpelly. Officers for 
the ensuing year were elected : presi- 
dent, Hon. John Clement of Haddon- 
field ; vice-presidents, Samuel H. Pen- 
nington of Newark, General Stryker of 
Trenton, and Rev. George S. Mott, D.D., 
of Flemington ; corresponding secre- 
tary, William Nelson of Paterson ; 
recording secretary, W. R. Weeks of 
Newark ; treasurer and librarian, F. W. 
Ricord of Newark ; executive commit- 
tee, George A. Halsey of Newark, John 
F. Hageman of Princeton, David A. 
Depue of Newark, Nathaniel Niles of 
Madison, John I. Blair of Blairstown, 
Franklin Murphy of Newark, Robert F. 


is constantly doing good work. At its 
meeting in June last a memorial paper 
on " Mrs. Martin B. Anderson " was 
read by Mrs. Emil Kenchling. At its 
November meeting " Rochester's First 
Things " was very ably treated by Rev. 
F. de Ward, D.D. At its December 
meeting " The Story of the Massacre of 
Cherry Valley " was effectively told by 
Mrs. William S. Little, whose grand- 
father was the sole survivor of a family 
which was put to death in that fearful 
massacre, he being carried into captivity. 
Action has been taken toward erecting 
a monument to the memory of Henry 
O'Reilly, Rochester's first historian. 
His history was published by the Har- 
pers in 1838 — the first local history of a 
town west of the Hudson river. The 
meetings are held at the house of Mrs. 
Gilman H. Perkins, to whom the 
Rochester Historical Society is greatly 
indebted for its prosperity. 

The linn^ean society, Lancaster, 
Pa., met on January 31, Vice-President 
Charles A. Heinitsh in the chair. An- 
nual reports of the treasurer, secretary, 
librarian, and curators were read, and a 
number of donations recorded. 

The following officers were elected : 
president, Hon. J. P. Wickersham ; vice- 
presidents, Dr. John S. Stahrand Charles 
A. Heinitsh ; secretary, S. M. Sener ; 
treasurer, Dr. S. S. Rathvon ; corre- 
sponding secretary, Mrs. A. F. Eaby ; 
librarian, Mrs. L. D. Zell. 


The two portraits of George Bancroft which appeared in our February magazine of 
1890 are invested with renewed interest now that the venerable historian has passed 
away. The larger picture, the frontispiece, was from a painting executed while he was in 
Berlin as United States minister to the German empire. The portrait where we find him 
in the centre of a group of the six presidents of the American Historical Association pre- 
sents him in his ninetieth year, the photograph having been made on the 30th of December, 
1889. He was tall, slight, erect, graceful in his movements, his hair and beard for many 
years a silky, snowy white, his complexion clear, his forehead high and narrow, with ex- 
pressive eyes of dark gray, and a short upper lip smooth-shaven. He was one of the most 
notable figures in Washington life for three full decades. Both at his winter home at the 
capital and at his summer residence in Newport, he enjoyed the well-earned dignity of the 
scholar who had also been a man of affairs, and had something of the flattering position of 
the First Citizen — an honored member of all circles. Foreign ministers came accredited 
to him as well as to the government, and he was the friend of every successive adminis- 

Few Americans have won a wider reputation in a lifetime or secured a more lasting 
fame than Mr. Bancroft. Probably no American-born citizen has ever represented his 
country in so many and long-continued official positions abroad, or been personally 
acquainted with so many eminent persons in all the walks and stations of life on two 
continents : certainly no American was ever more respected in his own and in other 
countries. His death, January 17, 1891, was not unexpected. The burial service was 
most impressive. Almost at high noon, when the stir of the city's life was at its fullest, 
an unusual assemblage of people filled St. John's church in Washington, nearly opposite 
the presidential mansion. The President of the nation and most of his cabinet officers 
were there, the justices of the supreme court and the other courts, all the foreign ministers, 
the officers of the army and navy, members of the senate and house of representatives, 
deputies from many societies, and citizens of note. The service was opened by thesur- 
pliced choir softly singing as a processional the well-known hymn " Lead, Kindly Light." 
This was followed by the hymns " Rock of Ages " and "Abide with Me." Dr. Douglass, 
rector of the church, read the Scriptures and other parts of the service in a most appropri- 
ate and impressive manner. No remarks were made, no eulogy pronounced ; but as the 
body was borne from the church, the pall-bearers being Chief-Justice Fuller, Justice Field, 
Justice Blatchford, Senator Evarts, ex-Secretary Bayard, Admiral Rodgers, Mr. Spofford, 
George William Curtis, Hon. John A. King, and Professor Langley, the choir sang the 
recessional " Hark, Hark, my Soul." 

The following message was received by Mr. J. C. Bancroft : "Sir, his majesty the em- 
peror and king, remembering the relations of friendship which for many years existed 
between his majesty the late Emperor William and the late George Bancroft as minister 
of the United States to Berlin, has directed me to express to you and to your family his 


most sincere sympathy with the great loss which has fallen upon you and upon your 

President Harrison issued the following on the 19th of January : " The death of George 
Bancroft, which occurred in the city of Washington on Saturday afternoon, January 17, 
removes from among the living one of the most distinguished Americans. As an expres- 
sion of the public loss and sorrow, the flags of all the executive departments at Washington 
and of the public buildings in the cities through which the funeral party is to pass will be 
placed at half-mast to-morrow and until the body of this eminent statesman, scholar, and 
historian shall rest in the state that gave him to his country and to the world." 

Ere the mourning for the great historian had been removed the nation was shocked 
and plunged into the deepest sorrow by the sudden death of one of the President's most 
trusted cabinet ministers, the secretary of the treasury, while at a banquet of the Board of 
Trade in New York on the 29th of January. The action of the board on the following day 
voiced in its resolutions the sentiment of a vast community, and is a tribute that should be 
placed on permanent record : 

" William Windom, secretary of the treasury, died while our guest, and just as he had 
spoken to us words of weighty wisdom and true courage. It is therefore peculiarly fitting 
that this board should express the deep sense of the business men of New York of the ser- 
vices which he has rendered to the Republic and of the personal loss that so many of us 
have sustained in his sudden death. At the organization of our board he was our asso- 
ciate and adviser. During all our existence he has been our faithful friend and helper. 

The New York Board of Trade and Transportation places this minute upon our records 
in honor of a good citizen, a wise man, and an honest and brave official. 

For more than thirty years William Windom has been prominent in American public 
life. Long service in the national house of representatives, repeated terms in the federal 
senate, the secretaryship of the treasury under Presidents Garfield and Harrison, had 
combined to give him rare opportunities to know the needs, appreciate the growth, and 
estimate the possibilities of the nation. He used these opportunities wisely and well. Dur- 
ing the entire civil war he was the trusted friend and adviser of President Lincoln. As a 
representative and senator he favored all measures that looked toward the practical and 
efficient development of our great internal resources. As secretary of the treasury under 
President Garfield he successfully refunded the maturing national debt by methods so 
simple, so economical, and so masterful as to prove him a truly great financier, a worthy 
successor to Hamilton, Chase, and Sherman ; as secretary under President Harrison he 
labored courageously and successfully to avert widespread panic in a season of threatened 
financial trouble. He died speaking earnest and strong words against the madness of 
free coinage of silver under existing financial conditions. He fell at the post of duty as 
truly as a soldier falls on the field of battle." 

Of the personal characteristics of Secretary Windom, Dr. Hamlin's words at the funeral 
of the great statesman in Washington are to the point. " A gentleman of charming affa- 
bility, of unfailing courtesy, of quiet dignity, of beautiful refinement, a lawyer of wide 
reading and great talent, a legislator of unwearying industry and undaunted courage, a 
cabinet officer of good views, of sound policy, of abundant aggressiveness, joined to safe 
conservatism, a man of unsullied integrity, a citizen of unflagging patriotism, a friend, a 
husband, a father, a Christian of sterling faith, of sincere devotion, of unostentatious hu- 


mility — such was William Windom. Such the world knew him tobeinhis long and varied 
public career ; such this city knew him to be, on whose streets and in whose best homes he 
has been a familiar figure since i860. Such we here present knew him to be, who have 
been associated with him as colleagues, who have been honored with his friendship in busi- 
ness and in social and in Christian life. His handsome face, his majestic head, his noble 
form, his beautiful smile, his affectionate greeting, won all hearts. He was unspoiled, un- 
changed by the greatest elevation. He was as courteous to the messengers in the treas- 
ury as to his fellow-officers. Adulation he abhorred ; display, pretense, ambition to shine 
over others, was alien to his nature. What wonderthat everybody was his friend ? What 
wonder that everybody loved him ; that in this city, in his state, in all the land, only the 
kindest thoughts were entertained and the kindest words spoken of him ? But best of all, Mr. 
Windom was a Christian — an avowed, aggressive, and consistent Christian, whether prac- 
ticing law in a Minnesota village, or legislating in the senate, or administering the national 
finances at the head of the treasury department. What wonder was it that one of the 
most eminent jurists of the land said on Saturday last : 'I have known Mr. Windom well 
for more than twenty years, and he was the most consistent Christian I have ever known 
in public life.' Mr. Windom was as far from being a weak sentimentalist on the one hand 
as he was from being a narrow dogmatist on the other. He was a devout, unostentatious 
follower of Christ. The foundation of his piety lay deep and strong. About a year ago 
he said to his wife, and it sounded almost like a prophecy : ' Lest I may go and leave you 
without opportunity to say this, I want you to have the comfort of knowing that if I were 
to die to-day it would be in the sure and certain hope of a blessed immortality. That 
hope is not based on any worthiness of mine, but solely on my abiding trust in my living 
Redeemer.' " 

Two weeks later, on February 13, one of America's greatest admirals, David D. 
Porter, passed away, an officer of the highest rank and distinction, whose achievements 
through a service of sixty-two years illustrate fitly the courage and patriotism of the 
American navy. And the following day our most illustrious soldier, General William T. 
Sherman, died at his home in New York. President Harrison in announcing the loss to 
congress said : " No living American was so loved and venerated as he. To look upon 
his face, to hear his name, was to have one's love of country intensified. He served his 
country not for fame, not out of a sense of professional duty, but for love of the flag and 
of the beneficent civil institutions of which it was the emblem. 

He was an ideal soldier and shared to the fullest the esprit de corps of the army, but 
he cherished the civil institutions organized under the Constitution, and was only a soldier 
that these might be perpetuated in undiminished usefulness and honor. He was in noth- 
ing an imitator. A profound student of military science and precedent, he drew from 
them principles and suggestions, and so adapted them to novel conditions that his cam- 
paigns will continue to be the profitable study of the military profession throughout the 
world. His genial nature made him comrade to every soldier of the great Union army. 
No presence was so welcome and inspiring at the camp-fire or commandery as his. His 
career was complete; his honors were full. He had received from the government the 
highest rank known to our military establishment, and from the people unstinted grati- 
tude and love. 

No word of mine can add to his fame. His death has followed in startling quickness 
that of the admiral of the navy, and it is a sad and notable incident that when the 


department under which he served shall have put on the usual emblems of mourning-, 
four of the eight executive departments will be simultaneously draped in black and one 
other has but to-day removed the crape from its walls." 

Thus has the nation within one short month been called to mourn four of its greatest 
men — its eminent historian, its renowned statesman, its distinguished admiral, and its 
beloved general — an impressive coincidence. Sherman and Porter were always fast 
friends and allies ; no quarrel ever divided their life-long affection. Each was the second 
in rank, and after the war the first in his arm of the service. General Sherman has often 
said : "When Porter goes I want to go too." Their lives were so intimately connected 
from early in the war, that an almost brotherly attachment grew up between them. It is 
related that one day in April last General Sherman was on a visit to the admiral, and as 
they stood looking out over the garden at the rear end of the mansion, the admiral said : 
"Sherman, I can remember when that tree," pointing to an old English walnut, " was the 
only tree in the square ; but look at it now. Time is gradually extinguishing the old land- 
marks." "Yes, Porter," replied the general, " that tree is like you and me — growing old, 
growing old. I wonder it we shall outlive it ?'' 

With martial honors Admiral Porter was laid to rest in historic Arlington on the 17th 
of February. Not since the burial of Sheridan has Washington witnessed such imposing 
ceremonials. A touching tribute from the wife of the dead admiral in the hour of her 
unspeakable grief was a pillow of violets and white roses placed upon a stand at the head 
of the coffin of General Sherman, in New York city, which she sent to the sorrowing 
family of her husband's friend. No one could read the words upon the little card pinned 
to the flowers, "With loving regards from Mrs. Admiral Porter," without tears. 

We go to press before the final honors are paid to the dead hero, but arrangements 
are being perfected for a vast military parade, which will escdrt the body to the train for 
St. Louis, where the interment will be in Calvary cemetery. During the progress of the 
funeral procession the city of New York will suspend business, and with flags at half- 
mast and buildings draped in black show its respect for the illustrious warrior. In the 
resolutions adopted at a special meeting of the Union League Club appears the following 
beautiful sentiment : " Besides being a historic soldier and an ideal hero, it was General 
Sherman's happy fortune in the twenty-five years that have elapsed since the close of the 
war in which he bore so distinguished a part to come very near to the people of the land, 
and to become every year dearer and dearer to them by the merits and charms of his 
personal character, so that it may truly be said that the death of no man in America 
to-day could have left a void in the people's heart so deep and wide as his has done. . . . 
In every thought and feeling General Sherman was intensely American. He believed in 
the abiding greatness and glory of his country, in the form of government under which 
we live, and in the capacity of the people to maintain and preserve it, and he had no 
sympathy with, or toleration for, those who affect to discover in every misadventure in 
politics or blunder of government a symptom of national decline. In every sense of the 
word he was a noble citizen, and a splendid example for all men to follow and imitate in 
his public spirit, his reverence for law, his lofty standard of civic duty, and his zeal for 
the honor and good name of his country." 


General Horace Porter in seconding the resolutions said : "While General Sherman 
was a man of great versatility of talent, and had filled many important positions in the 
various walks of life, his great reputation will always be founded upon his merits as a 
soldier. With him the chief characteristics of a soldier seemed inborn. There was 
something in his very look, in the gait with which he moved, that of themselves revealed 
him as a typical soldier. As we looked upon his well-knit brow, his deep, penetrating, 
restless hazel eye, his aquiline nose, we could see easily that there was something in these 
outward appearances that betokened a great man. In war he was prompt in decision 
and unshrinking under the great responsibilities. Prompt in action, firm in purpose, and 
untiring in effort, he had an intrinsic knowledge of topography, and there was found in 
his person much of the patience of a Fabius, with the restlessness of a Hotspur. He 
excited confidence in his troops, which made them follow him to victory with all the dash 
of Caesar's Tenth Legion. The students of military history at home and abroad have 
studied his campaigns as their models, and placed his works on a level with the grandest 
works of the masters of military science." 

Chauncey M. Depew, who presided over the meeting, said: "Sherman had the 
quality which belonged to none of our extremely great men of civil or military life — that 
subtle, indefinable something which is called genius. Lincoln came very near having it, 
but he didn't have it entirely. Grant was the incarnation of war, but he was not touched 
by the divine fire of genius. Assuredly Washington didn't have it, though Hamilton may 
possibly have possessed it. But with Sherman it made him the most original figure in the 
field, on the platform, in society. In him was a touch of something which separated him 
from his kind, and singled him out as a distinct individuality the moment he spoke. In 
Europe, where they only judge Americans by those who travel to that continent from time 
to time from this country, even the most prejudiced among them I have heard say more 
than once, ' The most interesting American, and I may say the most interesting man I 
ever met, was your General Sherman.' " 




Howe Bancroft. Thirty-ninth volume of 
the Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft. 
8vo, pp. 808. The History Company, San 
Francisco. Frank M. Derby, agent, 149 
Church street, New York. 
This volume is one of autobiography, a history 
of the great historical work which was under- 
taken more than thirty years ago, and prosecuted 
under the greatest of difficulties with untiring 
vigor and never flagging enthusiasm. Starting 
out with the intention of gathering some au- 
thentic account of the native races of the West, 
the material accumulated soon warned Mr. Ban- 
croft that its bulk must be reduced by digestion 
and sifting. This being accomplished, the task 
insensibly led to a consideration of the events 
which followed the displacement of the native 
races by the white subjugators of the soil ; so 
that in process of time the work of tracing the 
political and industrial history of the states and 
territories became an apparent and imperative 
necessity. It was a genuine American enter- 
prise, growing out of American conditions, in- 
stitutions, and modes of life. In the unique 
volume before us there is much that is sug- 
gestive as well as instructive. The account of 
the author collecting books about California 
for the publishing of a gazetteer, which opened 
his eyes to the wealth of material about Cali- 
fornia and the Pacific coast, is the kind of read- 
ing which fascinates. He became a special 
collector long before it occurred to him to turn 
the library he was accumulating to any serious 
use. Beginning with books in English he nat- 
urally found soon that his researches must be 
carried into Spanish literature, and that field 
once opened, the magnitude of the task began 
to be apparent. After ransacking the book- 
stores of the Eastern states he was drawn to 
Europe, and in London and Paris he perhaps 
first realized how costly a work he had under- 
taken. But the gathering of thirty, forty, or 
fifty thousand volumes was not so great' a thing 
as the systematizing of the knowledge therein 
contained, and bringing it into harness for the 
public good. Mr. Bancroft was obviously gifted 
with that peculiar business faculty, comprehend- 
ing organizing and executive ability, sterling 
judgment and bold enterprise, by which fortunes 
are acquired, and there can be but one opinion 
— that if he had devoted himself to the making 
of money he could have been one of the richest 
men in the country to-day. This is a point to 
be emphasized. Many of those who affect to 
despise wealth lack altogether the faculties 
whereby it can be amassed, and thus only be- 
little what is beyond their reach, like the fox in 

Vol. XXV.— No. 3. -18 

the fable. But here was a man who had all the 
powers necessary to become a multi-millionaire, 
and who yet deliberately turned his back upon 
his opportunities in order to devote himself to 

When all that was really serviceable in his 
ponderous collection had been classified and 
arranged for use he decided to write on the 
native races, until five volumes covering that 
important and difficult subject were completed. 
Then, to further its interests, he visited the 
scholars of the East, the story of which appears 
in another part of this magazine, and the first 
knowledge of Mr. Bancroft's enterprise was 
given to the world. Expressions of admiration 
began to reach him from the highest authorities, 
and the verdict was one of almost unanimous 
approval and congratulation. Since that time 
the work has proceeded steadily and rapidly 
until now Mr. Bancroft is able to announce 
its virtual completion, but one branch remain- 
ing to be finished, that of a collection of biogra- 
phies of the founders of the commonwealth. 
The narrative of his experiences and adventures 
is told with much vivacity, and is interesting 
not only to the literary world, but to all who 
delight in success. 

THE COLONIES, 1492-1750. By Reuben 
Gold Thwaites. i6mo, pp. 301. New 
York and London : Longmans, Green & Co. 
This convenient volume with its four hand- 
some colored maps is the first of a series of 
three, entitled Epochs of American History. 
The design being not so much to discuss all the 
great events of the periods under consideration, 
as to present in a compact form the moving 
causes for the formation of the colonies, the 
achievement of independence and confederation, 
and the triumph over influences that have at 
times threatened to wreck the whole fabric of 
state. Detail has largely been sacrificed to 
broad lights and shadows, and even the maps 
treat of generalities rather than of minutiae. At 
the beginning of each chapter is a complete bib- 
liography of the period under consideration — a 
very excellent arrangement, since it greatly facil- 
itates study. A full index concludes the volume, 
and the completed series should form a con- 
venient addition to historical books of reference. 

Hamilton. i6mo, pp. 303. New York : 
D. Appleton & Co. 

Miss Dodge has always been pointedly orig- 
inal in all that she has ever written. It would 
not greatly surprise the public to be told that 



she is as persistently original in all that she 
thinks and says. This is not her first essay in 
the field of religious literature, a department of 
letters which has, we believe, always command- 
ed much of her most earnest thought. It goes 
without saying that to such a mind as hers the 
dry beaten paths of theology are alike distaste- 
ful and impassable. And yet through all she 
writes there is a wholesome undercurrent of re- 
spect and consideration for the established order 
of things, which, in the light of brilliant pas- 
sages, one would hardly look for. The text of 
the book is a common-sense view of the Bible, 
without allowing the mists of scholasticism and 
priestcraft to come between. To some very 
excellent people no doubt some of her conclu- 
sions will be somewhat startling, but there is a 
deal of good Christian truth to be learned about 
the Bible from her pages. 

NEW YORK. By Theodore Roosevelt. 
[Historic Towns, edited by Edward A. 
Freeman, U. C. L., and Rev. William 
Hunt, M. A.J Crown 8vo, pp. 232. London 
and New York : Longmans, Green & Co. 1891. 
The enterprising publishers of this series of 
books are to be congratulated on their selection 
of an author for the volume on New York. Mr. 
Roosevelt has shown his ability to grasp the dif- 
ficult subject given him in all its immensity, and 
place its salient features in the limited space 
assigned, while tracing the chain of causes which 
gradually changed a little Dutch trading-hamlet 
into a great city. He writes clearly and forcibly, 
with intelligent appreciation of the fact that the 
history of New York deserves to be studied for 
more than one reason. "It is the history of the 
largest English-speaking city which the English 
conquered but did not found, and in which, 
though the English law and governmental sys- 
tem have ever been supreme, yet the bulk of 
the population, composed as it is and ever has 
been of many shifting strains, has never been 
English. Again, for the past hundred years 
it is the history of a wonderfully prosperous 
trading city, the largest in the world in which 
the democratic plan has ever been faithfully 
tried for so long a time ; and the trial, made un- 
der some exceptional advantages and some 
equally exceptional disadvantages, is of immense 
interest, alike for the measure in which it has 
succeeded and for the measure in which it has 

Mr. Roosevelt seems to have made an excep- 
tionally careful and conscientious study of the 
disturbances in New York in 1689 — at the time 
William and Mary ascended the throne of Eng- 
land — when Leisler overturned the established 
government and seized the reins of power, ruling 
in a more arbitrary and unjust manner than any 

of his predecessors. " In domestic affairs, ' says 
Mr. Roosevelt, " Leisler sometimes did well and 
sometimes ill. He summoned two popular 
assemblies. They were filled with his support- 
ers, ratified all his acts, and gave him power to 
go to any lengths he chose. He allowed his 
subordinates to maltreat the Long Islanders, 
Dutchmen and Puritans alike, who accordingly 
sent long petitions for redress to England. He 
opened letters, plundered houses, confiscated 
estates to satisfy taxes, and imprisoned numbers 
of the leading citizens whom he believed to be 
his enemies. He treated the Calvinist dominies 
as roughly as their flocks, and all the men of 
property became greatly alarmed." There was 
no occasion whatever for an insurrection in New 
York, and the unprejudiced reader can see in Mr. 
Roosevelt's pages how completely the extraor- 
dinary acts of Leisler negatived all claim to 
democratic theories. 

The chapter on "Recent History. 1860- 
1890," is one of much interest, only too short. 
During the thirty years which it covers New 
York's population has nearly doubled and the 
growth of wealth has fully kept pace with the 
increase of its people. The character of the 
metropolis as a whole can be painted only with 
a curious mixture of colors. ' ' For all its motley 
population," says Mr. Roosevelt, " there is a 
most wholesome underlying spirit of patriotism 
in the city, if it only can be roused. There is 
no doubt that in case of any important foreign 
war or domestic disturbance New York would 
back up the general government with men and 
money to a practically unlimited extent." 

ray. i6mo, pp. 293. New York and Bos- 
ton : Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 
The series entitled "American Religious 
Leaders " reaches with this issue its fourth vol- 
ume. Edwards, Fisk, and Muhlenberg have 
preceded it, and lives of Finney, Hughes, 
Hodge, Parker, and H. B. Smith are in prepara- 
tion. Already the series makes a fair show on 
the shelves of many a ministerial and Sunday- 
school library, and when completed it will pre- 
sent a strikingly complete ecclesiastical history 
of the United States, through the lives of men 
who were personally responsible for its develop- 

Ledyard Norton. With forty-nine maps 
and plans. i6mo, pp. 380. New York : 
Longmans, Green & Co. 
The first edition of this handbook covered 

only the Atlantic coast of our great winter re- 



sort. The present includes the whole state, 
with greater accuracy and fullness of detail than 
has hitherto been attempted. Especial atten- 
tion has been given to local history, ancient 
and modern, and it is safe to say that in no 
other published form is the history of the state 
more fully noted in its peculiarly romantic and 
picturesque aspects. The annual exodus of 
northern visitors to southern latitudes is increas- 
ing year by year, and with the facilities war- 
ranted by successive editions this guide-book 
should do for Florida what Baedecker has done 
for Europe. 

States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789-1791. 
Edited by Edgar S. Maclay, A.M. 8vo, 
pp. 438. D. Appleton & Co., J 891. 
The editor of this work says that " William 
Maclay wrote every evening of events which 
took place during the day — wrote while his mind 
was yet heated with the fierce debates in the 
senate." It is this fact which detracts materi- 
ally from the substantial value of the publica- 
tion as a contribution to history. It is an inter- 
esting record for many reasons, but no intelligent 
reader will be apt to mistake the bitter language 
used in this journal by Maclay for the cool utter- 
ances of a great man or a leading statesman. 
Maclay was an intense partisan, and constantly 
afflicted with rheumatic pains. He seems to 
have loved no one, to have been a chronic hater 
of all men. The senate in which he served two 
years he calls "a nest of vipers." He never 
wearies of abusing John Adams. On one occa- 
sion he says: "Adams behaved with studied 
inattention. He was snuffing up his nose, kick- 
ing his heels, or talking and sniggering with 
Otis the whole time I was up." Maclay is also 
disgusted with Washington; he says: "The 
President has become, in the hands of Hamilton, 
the dishclout of any dirty speculator, and his 
name goes to wipe away blame and to silence 
murmuring." " If there is treason in the wish, 
I retract it," he writes again, "but would to God 
this same General Washington was in heaven." 
Everybody was singularly corrupt with whom 
Maclay came in contact, if we are supposed to 
judge from these vivid pen pictures which he 
transmits to posterity. At the end of his short 
term in the senate Maclay declares himself 
" fully satisfied that many a culprit has served 
two years at the wheelbarrow without feeling 
half the pain and mortification that I experienced 
in my honorable station." 

Maclay's voice was often heard in the senate, 
but he does not appear to have in debate com- 
manded special attention or admiration. On 
one occasion he says : "I stood the rage and 
insult of the bulk of the house for what appeared 
to me an hour and a half." Throughout his 

journal there is the strongest evidence that he 
did not win friends or have any distinct follow- 
ing. His own words negative the claim of the 
editor of this volume that "in combating and 
subverting the aspirations of the Federalists 
William Maclay laid the foundation of the Dem- 
ocratic party." On the contrary, he was too 
narrow and dogmatic in his views to have wielded 
important influence on his time. Among other 
things, Hamilton's funding scheme aroused his 
fiery indignation. He saw nothing more in it 
than a purpose to burden posterity with debts 
and to enrich speculators. It was true that 
speculators were to profit by this measure, and 
that men in office were among that number. 
But Maclay's peculiar temperament did not per- 
mit him to see beyond this inevitable fact. He 
could not look out from this necessary evil to 
see the vast general good that was to ensue from 
a union that should be strong in financial credit 
and one in position to command respect for indi- 
vidual states as well as for the whole body of 
states. He was also characteristically severe on 
the " pompous " people of New York who were 
not hospitable to him. He writes: "These 
Yorkers are the vilest of people. Their vices 
have not the palliation of being manly. They 
resemble bad schoolboys, who are unfortunate 
at play ; they revenge themselves by telling 
notorious thumpers." Probably the senator 
talked as he wrote, and it is possible that the rea- 
son why no door of any citizen of New York was 
opened to him during a residence of six months 
was through a fear to admit one who, on his 
own showing, has set down almost every man 
with whom he came in contact as either a knave 
or a fool, or both together. The editor of the 
work describes the senator as "in personal 
appearance six feet and three inches in height, 
light complexion, while his hair in middle age 
appears to have been brown, and was tied behind 
or 'clubbed.'" He was called by one of his 
contemporaries " a dignified, majestic old gentle- 

TURE. By Greenough White, A. M. 
i2mo, pp. 66. Boston : Ginn & Company. 

This clever little hand-book is an attempt to 
prove the independent and organic development 
of American literature. It opens with a careful 
study into the early condition of literary en- 
deavor in the several colonies, and the begin- 
nings of aesthetic inquiry in America, in which 
Jonathan Edwards takes the lead, with the grad- 
ual advance of thought and the rise of an ideal 
of culture. The point of the author appears to 
be the discovery of the position of each of the 
early prominent authors in our general liter- 



ary history, showing the intimate connection 
between our country's literature and history, 
and the necessity of a knowledge of each in 
order to interpret the other. He says: " Our 
literature has really developed with admirable 
freedom, energy, and completeness. It has not 
been dwarfed by those influences, nor have 
its epochs been cut short by those political and 
international complications that have so often 
thwarted mental progress in other lands. It 
shows the natural unfolding of intellect freed 
from old-world trammels, yet limited by the 
necessities of practical life." 

STATES. A narrative of the movement in 
England, 1605-1616, which resulted in the 
plantation of North America by Englishmen, 
disclosing the contest between England and 
Spain for the possession of the soil now occu- 
pied by the United States of America ; the 
whole set forth through a series of historical 
manuscripts now first printed, together with 
a reissue of rare contemporaneous tracts, ac- 
companied by brief biographies. Edited by 
Alexander Brown. 2 vols. 100 illustra- 
tions. 8vo, pp. 1 151. Boston and New York : 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1891. 
This vast historical work is one of the most 
valuable productions of the decade. It illumines 
an obscure period in the beginning of emigra- 
tion to this country, and shows with peculiar 
clearness and force the movements in England 
which resulted in the plantation of North 
America by Englishmen. The first volume 
opens with an introductory sketch covering the 
period from 1485 to 1605, a chapter crowded 
with useful data and embellished with the por- 
traits of Queen Elizabeth, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, and William Alexander, first Earl 
of Stirling. We then come to the experimental 
period, in which a trial was made both to found 
settlements in North Virginia and in South Vir- 
ginia. Here a great many interesting docu- 
ments are introduced which were written during 
the period covered by the narrative, 1605-1616 ; 
three hundred at least appear now for the first 
time in an American publication. Having 
learned what was done in naval affairs, discov- 
eries, commerce, and colonization prior to 1605, 
and that the treaty of peace between Spain and 

England was signed and ratified by Philip III. 
in June of that year, the reader is prepared to 
trace what was subsequently going on in Lon- 
don through the early letters and records, which, 
for good and sufficient reasons were never in those 
days made accessible to the public. It seems 
that the success of the colonization enterprise 
depended largely on the discretion, judgment, 
secrecy, and diplomacy of the managers. It had 
its bitter enemies, and its laughter-loving foes. 
No one predicted the possible aspect of the wild 
and savage field two hundred and eighty years 
into the future. A comedy was written called 
" Eastward Hoe," which went through at least 
five editions in i6o 3 , was played before King 
James on the 25th of January, 1614, and has 
been felicitously introduced by Mr. Brown to 
illustrate the popular feeling of the period. 
The plan to form royal colonies by chartered 
companies under license from the crown was 
largely under the management of Sir John Pop- 
ham, the lord chief-justice of England. The 
Simancas papers were procured in Spain for the 
editor of this work by Hon. J. L. M. Curry, 
late United States minister to Spain. Many of 
these papers were originally written in cipher, 
in the strictest secrecy, nearly three hundred 
years ago, and they relate directly to the founda- 
tion of our country. They have been trans- 
lated by an eminent scholar, and in this volume 
are for the first time made public. It seems 
that Spain was a serious obstacle to the settle- 
ment of Virginia by the English. We read in 
one of these letters from the king of Spain an 
order to his ambassador in London to find out 
what the English are doing about that ' ' island 
which they call Virginia ; " " and to prevent the 
plans and purposes of the English by all avail- 
able means — with great skill and vigilance." 
The portraits in the volume are handsomely 
engraved and of exceptional interest, and the 
biographical and genealogical information is of 
the first importance. Enough is given of at 
least twelve hundred prominent persons to lo- 
cate or to identify them, and thus we may form 
a correct estimate as to the character of those 
engaged in the movement, while the sketches of 
the active managers in the American schemes 
are more complete than any previously printed. 
Mr. Brown has performed a great national ser- 
vice, and has done it marvelously well. His 
two sumptuous volumes must necessarily go into 
every good library in the land, and we heartily 
commend them to the attention of all students 
and scholars. 








































































































<. « 



Vol. XXV APRIL, 1891 No. 4 


IN the last December number of the " Century Magazine," in a pictur- 
esque and graphic article, intended, as I am informed, to correct errors 

in prior histories of the naval conflicts of the war of 1812, occurs one 
error of fact, trifling, perhaps, but which in the interest of historical accu- 
racy it may be worth while to endeavor to set right. At page 217 of the 
December Century is an account of the ever memorable engagement be- 
tween the United States frigate Chesapeake of forty-nine guns and the 
English fifty-two gun frigate Shannon. It was in the course of this 
engagement that Captain Lawrence U. S. N., Lieutenant Augustus C. 
Ludlow U. S. N., and other junior officers, including Lieutenant James 
Broome U. S. M., and Midshipman Courtland Livingston U. S. N., fell 
fighting gallantly but unsuccessfully for their common country. For 
several reasons this engagement has always attracted great public and 
critical attention. It did eighty years ago, and it does still. Indeed, the 
11 Don't give up the Ship" of the dying Lawrence has become proverbial 
with Americans as a war cry, and one synonymous with patriotism and 
courageous fidelity to duty. 

After Lawrence fell, the command of the ship devolved for a short 
space upon the ranking line officer Ludlow, who the writer of the Century 
article erroneously states was an officer of marines. In the course of his 
narrative the same writer intimates, I think, that the loss of the Chesa- 
peake is in some measure explained by the youth and inexperience of her 
junior officers, including Lieutenant Ludlow, then only just arrived at 

It is the purpose of this paper to endeavor to show that the Lieutenant 
Ludlow thus referred to in the Century was an officer of the line and not 
an officer of marines, and that he was a highly efficient and capable officer 
in spite of his extreme youth. In all prior histories of this engagement 
these facts have been conceded and justly so. No doubt, the error in the 
Century is simply an accident currente calamo. 

All the American accounts of the engagement between the Chesapeake 

Vol. XXV.-No. 4.— 19 


and the Shannon — and they are many — concur in the indubitable fact that 
the Chesapeake was on this occasion not well prepared for action, having 
newly shipped her crew, which was to some extent composed of landsmen 
or undisciplined material. The uncertain result of a battle between such 
a crew and a ship's company such as the Shannon s, long trained by ser- 
vice on a foreign station and equally well officered and armed, was there- 
fore almost a foregone conclusion, but it was not an inevitable conclusion. 
The odds could not have been unthought of, either by Lawrence or his 
officers, when the Chesapeake went out to meet the Shannon ; but the fact 
was that from experience they undervalued their enemy. There is fortu- 
nately no record of a moment's hesitation in offering battle on the part of 
the officers of the Chesapeake, and there was none. The Chesapeake, colors 
flying, ports open, and guns shotted ready for action, sailed out to meet 
her enemy with a view to the engagement, and ready to win or to accept 
the fate of war. The writer in the Century states, in substance, that it 
would have been the part of prudence for the Chesapeake, to have avoided 
this conflict until her crew had been better trained to duty. It might 
have been the part of " prudence," but prudence has never been esteemed 
the highest quality in a man-of-war. 

A letter (here first published) from Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow to 
his brother Captain Charles Ludlow, of the United States navy, however, 
shows that, contrary to general opinion, her officers thought the Chesapeake 
then in good fighting trim. This letter was written only three days before 
the battle : 

" U. S. Frigate Chesapeake, Boston, May 28, 181 3. 
Dear Brother : 

From your not writing I presume you are very busy farming. Captain 
Lawrence is our captain. . . . There are only three frigates now cruising 
off Boston bay; they send in no prizes, but burn them all. Commodore 
Brooke says he does not intend to weaken his men by manning prizes. I 
have every reason to believe you will have your rank this summer. I will 
assure you it makes a great noise in the way you have been treated. I 
had no idea any one officer would raise such a talk by his resigning. It 
shows to the world that you are well known and much thought of. There 
is report we shall go to sea in six days, but I cannot believe it. I hardly 
think we shall go out in such fine weather, when there is three frigates 
off. The ship is in better order for battle than ever I saw her before. 
Page is going out. Our first lieutenant Price has left the ship. There is 
no news here except flour has fallen $3 on the barrel, owing to two ships 
getting in from the southward loaded with flour. They were bound to 


Cadiz, but put in in distress. It is now $18 per barrel. 
Give my love to all the family and respects to all friends. 

Your affectionate brother 

Do write often. 

A. Ludlow." 

Lieutenant Ludlow should have known the fighting qualities of the 
Chesapeake, for he was familiar with the ship, and on her prior cruise had 
been her third lieutenant. The Lieutenant Page mentioned in the letter 
was taken ill and did not go out on the Chesapeake, while Lieutenant 


[From a painting loaned by Rear Admiral Augustus Ludlow Case, U. S. N!\ 

Price was granted permission to leave the ship for cause. This left Lieu- 
tenant Ludlow the first officer; but Captain Lawrence knew him well, 
and it was agreeable to him, they having served together on the Hornet. 
The writer of the Century article states also that " when Captain Law- 
rence observed the British frigate in the offing, . . . obeying the impulse 
of a brave but impetuous nature, he made sail to engage." This as a 
technical criticism is not quite accurate: it attributes too much to the 
mere impulse of Lawrence, too little to his prior experience as a naval 
tactician. The official report of the action, made at the time to the 


secretary of the navy, shows that the engagement was determined on de- 
liberately and intelligently before the Shannon hove in sight at all. This 
is curiously corroborated by tradition. Some years since the writer of this 
article happened to hear from Colonel Robert H. Ives Goddard of Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island, an anecdote concerning Captain Lawrence, which the 
former had from the late Mr. Charles G. Loring of Boston, a contemporary 
of Lawrence. As it threw some light on a celebrated engagement, it was 
interesting and a note was made of it at the time. Colonel Goddard has 
since been so good as to corroborate the details of the incident by corre- 
spondence with Mr. Loring's son, General Loring of Boston. Mr. Loring 
stated that the day before the fight with the Shannon Captain Lawrence 
was dining at Mr. Loring's house in Boston, when news was brought that 
the Shannon was off the port of Boston. Captain Lawrence begged to be 
excused, left the table, and went aboard his ship then lying in President's 
Roads, and made instant preparations to meet the enemy.. By eight A. M. 
the next day (June I, 1813) the Chesapeake unmoored and by noon got 
under way. After the ship had unmoored the Shannon hove in sight. It 
is, therefore, evident that Lawrence left Mr. Loring's house fully deter- 
mined to go out to seek the engagement, and that the determination was 
not formed hastily or by " impulse " upon suddenly seeing the Shannon in 
the offing, while the Chesapeake was lying at anchor. On the contrary, the 
determination was formed deliberately and before the Shannon was seen at 
all. The official report of the engagement discloses that the pilot boats 
had brought the intelligence that the Shannon was outside some time be- 
fore she appeared in sight, and that when the Shannon first came in sight 
of the Chesapeake the latter was about under way in quest of her enemy. 
But I shall not pursue further than is necessary the general details of this 
engagement, the lamentable result of which is so well known and so com- 
monly regarded as reflecting no discredit on the brave officers who unhap- 
pily surrendered their lives in it.* 

When Lawrence fell young Ludlow became the ranking line officer, 
and for a mere moment succeeded to the command of the Chesapeake. 
Let us now consider the Century writer's statement indicated, that Ludlow 
was a marine officer and that the second lieutenant Mr. Budd was the 
" only commissioned sea officer of experience on the ship." If by the ex- 
pression " sea officer" this writer means to state that Mr. Budd was an 
officer of the line, it would have been the first time in naval annals when 
a lieutenant of marines commanded a ship-of-war while there was a rank- 
ing able-bodied line officer on board. The fact that Ludlow succeeded to 

* See official report of Commodore Bainbridge, U.S.N., president of court of inquiry. 



the command over Mr. Budd of the line of itself demonstrated that Mr. 
Ludlow was of the line also. Had it been otherwise, after Lawrence fell 
Mr. Budd must have been the responsible commander instead of Ludlow. 
In this event there was no need of emphasizing either the youth or the 
inexperience of Lieutenant Ludlow. Had our historian of the Century 
consulted the general Navy Register, he would there have learned that 
Augustus C. Ludlow was not in the marine corps, but was an officer of the 
line, and, as such, was the senior lieutenant and first lieutenant of the 
Chesapeake at the time of her engagement with the Shannon. So much by 
way of explanation of Lieutenant Ludlow's proper rank on the fatal cruise 
of the Chesapeake. Yet, be it far from my purpose to intimate that the 
rank erroneously assigned to Ludlow was not honorable. It was highly so, 
but it was not his. There was a lieutenant of marines on the Chesapeake, 
killed in the same engagement. The officer in question was Lieutenant 
James Broome, of a family well known in the annals of the early navy as 
the " righting Broomes." 

That Augustus C. Ludlow, though very young, was not an accom- 
plished and competent officer, we have never before seen intimated in 
countless narratives. In the first place he came of a generation unusually 
apt and distinguished in the naval profession, and was himself predisposed 
to be apt. He took to the sea at a very early age, and when the engage- 


ment with the Shannon took place was probably as well fitted for duty as 
any first officer in the service. In 1804 Augustus C. Ludlow, then twelve 
years of age, received his midshipman's warrant. Under the care of his 
elder brother Charles (United States navy), Augustus cruised in the 
Mediterranean for three years on board the frigate President, Commodore 
Barron, and saw service in the Tripolitan war of 1805, which has been 
called the " cradle of the American navy." He was next transferred to the 
Constitution, where he received his lieutenancy. From the Constitution he 
went to the Hornet under Lawrence, and was I believe in the action with 
the Peacock. From the Hornet he went two voyages on the Chesapeake, the 
last of which, as we have seen at its inception, brought his career to a close. 
At the time of the fight with the Shannon Augustus Ludlow had been 
already nine years in the service and most of the time at sea. 

Although, as above stated, there has never before been an intimation 
or suggestion that Augustus C. Ludlow was not an accomplished and most 
efficient officer, no reader of the Century article can fail to receive the im- 
pression, I think, from that article, that Ludlow was, at the time denoted 
by the writer in the Century, an inexperienced officer. Now, to be inex- 
perienced in such a position is to be incompetent. But he was not inex- 
perienced. Indeed, at an age when most lads are at home, this sailor lad, 
as was the naval custom of that time, was at sea, standing his watches in 
all sorts of weather, while he knew no other home than the gun-room of 
a frigate in active service. We may say of a clever officer as of a poet, 
nascitur non fit. The qualities of a commander are rarely attained by age 
alone when Nature has been shy of her gifts. Such is the general testimony 
on this point; it could not be otherwise. Lieutenant Ludlow seems to 
have been by nature a sailor; his brothers Captain Charles Ludlow and 
Robert C. Ludlow, as well as his younger half-brother Lieutenant William 
Jones, were each and all in the regular navy. As evidence of his efficiency 
it is noteworthy that in an eulogy of Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow, the 
great lawyer Mr. Justice Story used these words : " His exemplary con- 
duct and strict sense of honor while yet a midshipman gave him a de- 
served preference among the officers, and he was generally distinguished 
by some mark of favor, such as ■ captain's aid.' He had served a long 
time with Captain Lawrence, and it was the perfect knowledge of Lud- 
low's worth that induced him to continue his young friend as his first lieu- 
tenant in the Chesapeake." Either Mr. Justice Story, an intelligent con- 
temporary, is wrong in this statement, or else the writer of the Century 
article is in error also in the impression he so clearly conveys to the read- 
ing public, that Ludlow's rank on the Chesapeake was altogether fortuitous. 


That it was not fortuitous, there is no doubt, for his succession to the place 
of first officer of. the Chesapeake was by Lawrence's request and design. 

No other historian has ever before intimated that Lieutenant Ludlow 
was lacking in the best qualifications of a first officer, and the intimation 
in question finds no justification in the facts. In the first place Lieu- 
tenant Ludlow did not succeed to the responsibilities of command until 
Lawrence was carried below. The positions of the vessels were then 


determined beyond prevention. " The action commenced at fifteen min- 
utes before six P.M., within pistol shot. The first broadside did great dam- 
age on both sides" and carried away some rigging of the Chesapeake, so 
that she was taken aback. Captain Lawrence at this moment was wounded. 
It was then that Ludlow succeeded to the command. Although he- had 
been carried below wounded, aroused by Lawrence's earnest appeal he 
made a final effort to avert the disaster which was impending, and rushed 


again on deck. In about twelve minutes after the commencement of the 
action, four successive helmsmen having been shot down and the ship not 
answering her helm, the anchor of the Chesapeake unfortunately fouled in 
one of the Shannon's ports. The Englishmen prepared to board. Ludlow 
immediately called boarders. It was then a hand-to-hand struggle,* and 
Ludlow himself was soon again sharply wounded while repelling boarders. 
The following letter from the brother of Augustus, Robert C. Ludlow, 
U. S. N., to the elder brother Captain Charles Ludlow, is in point, and 
a silent witness of the bravery of the young officer : 

"Navy Yard, Charlestown, Mass., June 24, 1813. 
Dear Brother: 

At length I have received the distressing intelligence of the death of 
our poor brother. He died, poor fellow, on the 13th. inst. Mr. Chew has 
arrived, says he was convinced several days before his death that he would 
go, as Augustus told him that the doctors did not know how bad he was, 
and did not expect to live. It is gratifying to know he had every medical 
aid that was necessary, not only the doctors of the hospital, but those of 
Halifax, all of whom attended him, and had several consultations even 
before he was trepanned ; he had five wounds, the mortal one was on 
his head ; his head was cut nearly in two. Poor fellow, it is the fortune 
of war and what we must expect ! Our good mother, what will she say, 
and suffer? I cannot, my dear brother, dwell on this painful subject. 
Let me hear from you soon. I have wrote you several times and directed 
to New Burgh, but now understand you are in New York. 
Your affectionate brother, 

Robert C. Ludlow." 

Was there anything else that Ludlow could have done while in command, 
except to attempt to repel boarders ? Was there anything else to be done 
by any one? No one has ever suggested it before. Washington Irving 
sums up the opinion of his time by the statement that if the ships had 
not run foul it is probable that the Chesapeake would have captured the 
Shannon. In all the contemporary accounts, and they were many, there 
is not a syllable except in praise of the conduct of young Ludlow. f The 
loss of the Chesapeake was simply the fate of war and perhaps inevitable. 
By what warrant is it then intimated, at this late day, that there was 
anything amiss because of the youth of the first lieutenant of the Chesa- 

* Testimony of Midshipman Fisher, court-martial of Lieutenant Cox. 

f Perkins's Late War, 177 ; Adams's History of the United States, vii., c. 12. 




[From a painting at " Windsor Hiil."~\ 

peake ? It is certainly an intimation unfair to the memory of a gallant 
officer unless it is founded on conclusive proofs, and none are offered. 
The Chesapeake s crew were taken to Halifax after her capture. The 
bodies of Lawrence and Ludlow were brought under flag of truce 
thence to Salem, where Justice Story delivered his glowing eulogy. Fi- 
nally the remains of Lawrence and Ludlow were placed with great public 
ceremonial in Trinity church-yard, New York city, where they still rest 
under the same monument erected by the public. 


Perhaps students of this memorable struggle will respect the words of 
that acute critic Justice Story, when he says: " Nor can we forget the 
gay, the gallant, and noble-hearted Ludlow. Though the history of his 
life be short, yet it can never be uninteresting to those whose hearts 
beat high with the love of their country. Scarcely was he twenty-one 
years of age when, like the blooming Euryalus, he accompanied his be- 
loved commander to battle. Never could it have been more truly said : 

' His amor unus pariterque in bella ruebant.' 

He was indeed worthy of the confidence and friendship of Lawrence. His 
soul was formed for deeds of active valor and martial enterprise. In the 
mild engagements of peace it softened into the most attractive suavity of 
manners and wore the most benignant form of honor. In the tumults of 
war it glowed with an ambition for naval excellence, which electerized 
every movement and awakened the whole energies of his genius. Had he 
lived his name would have attained the same historic elevation as those of 
our first commanders — the Van Tromps and the Nelsons of the age. Cut 
off in the blossom of his days, while the purple graces of youth yet clus- 
tered round his form, he has left us to pour our unavailing sorrows to his 

'His saltern accumulem donis et fungar inani 

Peace be to the spirits of the mighty dead — they fell covered with honor- 
able wounds in the cause of their country. What death could be more 
truly enviable ? What death could be more truly exalted ? The gratitude 
of millions has already consecrated their memories. The poetry and the 
eloquence of future ages shall celebrate their deeds and hymn their re- 
quiems. While, therefore, we pay our last lingering farewell to these hal- 
lowed remains we mourn not as those without hope. The bodies of these 
heroes may molder away and become indistinguishable from the common 
mass of mortality ; but their spirits, we trust, shall repose in the bosom of 
heaven, and their fame, their spotless fame, shall perish but with the 
country of their birth, in that dread day when — 

'The cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous palaces, 
The solemn temples, the great globe itself — 
Yea, all which it inhabit, shall dissolve, 
And like the baseless fabric of a vision 
Leave not a wreck behind them.' " 

There can hardly be a more heartfelt eulogium than the ardent words 




of Justice Story just quoted. In the Boston Gazette of June, 1813, ap- 
peared the following obituary notice and verses : 

" June, 1813. 
Died at Halifax on the 13th inst., Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow, second in command 
on board the Chesapeake frigate, aged twenty-one, of the wounds received in the action 
With the Shannon. His remains were entombed with every mark of military distinction 
which a generous enemy could bestow on a gallant youth who fell in defending his coun- 
try's flag. * . • 
' Great Spirit of the mighty dead, 
: - , Descend awhile and linger here ; 
And tears which love and pity shed 
Shall fall to grace a hero's bier. ' 

To thee thy foes could not refuse 
The meed to valor justly due ; 
Nor shall an humble lowly muse, 
Forget to praise a patriot true. 

What though no friends or kindred dear, 
To grace his obsequies, attend ; 
The freemen are his brothers here, 
And every hero is his friend.'" 


It has been stated that Augustus Ludlow came of a generation of sail- 
ors, and that his professional training was thorough. There was at that 
time, perhaps, no better sailor in the navy than his elder brother Captain 
Charles Ludlow, who had entered the American navy as a midshipman 
almost at its inception (circ. 1795). Charles Ludlow was the typical 
sailor of the days of the " wooden walls," generous, proud, and chivalrous. 
He was in active service for many years and during the French and Tri- 
politan wars — the first in which our navy was engaged. He served some- 
time aboard the frigate United States under Commodore Barry ; he was 
fighting captain of the frigate President, under Commodore John Rodg- 
ers, in the engagement with the Little Belt ; and he subsequently com- 
manded the sloop of war John Adams. Under the roof of Captain Charles 
Ludlow's delightful old-fashioned and dignified house at New Windsor, 
near Newburgh on the Hudson (sketches of which are given in this num- 
ber), generations of those connected with him, young and old alike, have 
always found a hearty welcome, which he bequeathed as a tradition sa- 
credly observed by his descendants. His was, perhaps, one of the pleas- 
antest homes to be found in any country of the world. The lawn stretched 
nearly to the west shore of the Hudson, and from its piazzas were glorious 
views of the Highlands and the Fishkill mountains opposite — a scene of 
unending beauty. 

It was under the wise and gracious auspices of Captain Ludlow, for he 
stood in loco parentis to them all, that his three brothers and his nephew 
Rear Admiral Augustus Ludlow Case, United States navy, successively 
entered the navy, midshipmen's warrants being procured for them as soon 
as they were old enough to be rated, and then they continued to be 
watched and guided in their careers by his paternal and wise oversight. 
Unfortunately for Captain Ludlow, at a time when Lawrence and other 
officers were exposed to unmerited slights by the then federal administra- 
tion, Captain Ludlow felt constrained to throw up his commission. As 
his letter to the department is characteristic, and evinces also the injustice 
which must always attend, in a republic, the irregular promotion of mili- 
tary officers by official favoritism, it is here inserted : 

" United States Navy Yard, New York, March 17, 181 3. 

Since my return to this place I have received through the medium 
of the National Intelligencer a confirmation of the promotion of Lieu- 
tenant Morris to the grade of post captain in the navy of the United 




[From a painting in possession of the family of the late Augustus C. Ludlow, Jr., Baltimore.] 

Having already expressed my opinions of this promotion in a memorial 
addressed to the honorable the senate of the United States, it would not 
comport with the respect I entertain for you to recapitulate them at this 
time. But although the reasons assigned by myself, as well as others, 
have not been considered sufficiently valid to obstruct the promotion of 
Lieutenant Morris, made at the expense of senior officers, I trust that the 


motives which call for the present communication will be received and 
viewed by you, sir, with a more favorable eye. In the promotion of 
Lieutenant Morris I cannot but perceive that my expectations as an offi- 
cer have been vitally assailed. It is, in fact, a declaration to the public, that 
I was incompetent to discharge the duties of a situation to which I was 
entitled by my rank. And how, sir, I would respectfully ask, have I de- 
served this stigma on my character? The character of a military man is 
his only treasure, and believe me, sir, that he who does not guard that 
treasure with miserly solicitude will prove but a bad sentinel over the 
honor and interest of his country. By all governments this military spirit 
has been fostered with parental care, and I had fondly hoped, when enter- 
ing the service of my country, that I had intrusted my honor to guardians 
who would preserve it with the most scrupulous anxiety. That this opin- 
ion was well founded I shall not presume to question. The individual who 
suffers, and the public who inflicts, cannot always think, alike on a subject 
of such a delicate nature, and in which the feelings of the individual are 
alone interested. But when the feelings of the individual so highly excited 
present him with the alternative of either acquiescing in what he believes 
to be an unmerited testimony of disgrace, or relinquishing his commission, 
I trust there is no man of honor who could hesitate which to choose, and 
no man of feeling who would condemn the choice. For my own part, I 
confess it is an act of my life for which I feel the most acute concern. To 
my country I am attached with the most filial veneration. Her Constitu- 
tion is my idol — her happiness my ambition, and her glory my pride ; and 
at this time to be forced from her service, when my heart and hand are 
ready to vindicate her violated rights, is a sacrifice which I cannot view 
but with the most poignant regret. My impressions and feelings are 
now, sir, before you, and so fully satisfied am I of their correctness, 
that I should not hesitate to leave the decision which should emanate 
from them to the magnanimity of Captain Morris himself. I shall 
now, sir, conclude with the assurance that it will afford me the high- 
est satisfaction to remain in the navy, should it accord with the views of 
the executive to restore me to that rank of which I have been deprived 
by the promotion of a junior officer; but should this be refused, I must 
request that you will do me the favor to consider this as my resignation. 

With sentiments of the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, sir, 
your most obedient servant, 

Charles Ludlow 

Honorable William Jones, 

Secretary of the Navy, Washington. 



A little prior, Lawrence had sent the following on the same subject to 
the senate of the United States : 

" To the Honorable the Senate of the United States of America in Congress 
James Lawrence of New York, master and commandant of the sloop- 


\From a painting loaned by Mrs. Eugene A. Brewster, ,] 

of-war Hornet, respectfully presents this memorial to the honorable sen- 
ate of the United States upon the nomination of Lieutenant Charles Mor- 
ris, late first officer of the frigate Constitution, to the grade of post captain 
in the navy of the United States. 

Your memorialist respectfully represents that he entered the service 
as midshipman, September 4, 1798 ; that he continued in that capacity, 
attached to sundry vessels, upward of two years, when he was appointed 


an acting lieutenant on board the frigate Adams, commanded by Captain 
Robinson, in which capacity he continued until the reduction of the navy, 
in consequence of which his appointment was not confirmed, and of course 
he remained in the grade of midshipman. 

That when the war with Tripoli was declared he was promoted to a 
lieutenant and attached to the Enterprise as first officer, from which he 
was removed to the frigate John Adams, and acted in the same capacity. 

That this service continued three years and a half, when he returned 
to the United States with Commodore Treble, and was again dispatched 
to the Mediterranean as commodore of gun-boat No. 6, in which service 
he was engaged sixteen months. 

That while attached to the Enterprise he sailed as first lieutenant with 
about seventy volunteers, in the ketch Intrepid of four guns, under the 
present Commodore Decatur, then commodore of the Enterprise, to de- 
stroy the frigate Philadelphia of forty-four guns, lying in the harbor of 

That Lieutenant Morris volunteered as a midshipman in this expedition, 
which was so completely successful that the Philadelphia was destroyed 
without the loss of a single man on the part of the Americans. 

That for this exploit Commodore Decatur was made post captain, 
and the rest of the officers and crew of the Intrepid were voted by Con- 
gress two months' extra pay, which was declined by your memorialist. 

That since the Mediterranean service was completed your memorialist 
has been constantly engaged in the service, having been attached to the Con- 
stitution as first lieutenant, and to the Vixen, Wasp, Argus, and Hornet, com- 
mander, during which command he has been twice to Europe with dispatches. 

That he was in the Hornet when war was declared, and was attached 
to Commodore Rodgers's squadron, and cruised with him until the com- 
modore's return to Boston, and is now attached to Commodore Bain- 
bridge's squadron. 

Under these circumstances your memorialist respectfully presents this 
memorial to the honorable senate against the ratification of the nomina- 
tion of Lieutenant Charles Morris to the grade of post captain ; but at 
the same time would bear testimony to the uniformly distinguished merit 
of that accomplished officer. 

Your memorialist would respectfully suggest that no achievement 
within his knowledge (however gallant) has been rewarded with a promo- 
tion of more than one grade, and such is the invariable usage of maritime 
nations, particularly the British, whose navy has arrived to its greatest 


That the exampled promotion of a single officer on board of any frig- 
ate, after a successful engagement, where all did their duty with signal 
but equal brilliancy, must necessarily be detrimental if not destructive to 
the service, inasmuch as it is a tacit reflection upon the conduct of those 
officers who are overlooked. 

That the masters and commanders appointed to the smaller vessels of 
the navy are generally attached to frigates, and consequently are placed 
by their superior grades in a more unfavorable situation for promotion 
than officers of an inferior grade, attached to frigates, thereby rendering 
the grade which they had previously acquired by good conduct an obstacle 
to future promotion. Apart from etiquette, the impolicy and injustice of 
such promotion cannot be made more obvious by argument. 

That your memorialist is confirmed in these sentiments by the opinions 
of some of the oldest and most respectable officers in the service, and by 
all the gentlemen of the navy of the same grade with your memorialist, 
with whom he has communicated, many of whom think they cannot recon- 
cile it to their honor to continue in the service if so unprecedented a 
nomination should be ratified by the senate. 


James Lawrence 

Boston, October 18, 1812." 

Captain Ludlow, after his resignation, being fortunately possessed of 
an adequate estate, retired to his country place in Orange county, " Wind- 
sor Hill," shown in this number. At one time he was a candidate for the 
congressional nomination from his district, but he lost it by two votes. At 
"Windsor Hill" he continued to receive such assurances of regard as the 
following from Commodores Chauncey, Perry, and Hull, and many of his 
companions in arms whose names are now the property of history. 
Commodore Chauncey wrote : 

" U. S. Ship Madison, Sackett's Harbor, 18 May, 181 3. 
Dear Ludlow : 

Your favor of the 7th inst. was received by the last mail. I regret ex- 
tremely to find that you have resigned. Independent of any selfish mo- 
tives, I think that the service has lost a valuable officer, and I think also 
at some future day that you will regret it yourself. No one could have 
been appointed to succeed you so agreeable to me as Captain Lawrence. 
With respect to the sheep I have not thought upon the subject. I will 
write you more fully about them very shortly ; in the meantime if the 
enemy should make any attempt upon New York before you hear from 

Vol. XXV.-No. 4.-20 


me, I will thank you to take charge of them and keep them well for me. 
We will settle the business when we meet. 

I have every prospect of having sufficient amusement this summer. 
The enemy are making great exertions, and a number of navy officers have 
already arrived at Kingston, amongst the number an admiral. I shall sail 
in a few days for Niagara. My little squadron sailed yesterday with one 
thousand troops on board. You will hear of us by the first of June. With 
very great esteem I am, dear Ludlow, your friend and humble servant, 

J. Chauncey 

Charles Ludlow, Esq. 

P. S. — In my haste I had forgot to tell you that we had been at York, 
and that we had sharp work for a short time. Lost a number of men, but 
that is nothing in war time. Bainbridge has sent me one hundred and 
fifty fine fellows. My new ship will be launched 1st June. 

Very truly yours, J. C." 

The letter of Commodore Perry is equally interesting : 

" New Port, February 3, 181 8. 
Dear Ludlow : 

It affords me great pleasure to have it in my power to forward you a 
warrant for your brother; it was sent me after I left home for Washing- 
ton. I need not assure you that whenever I go to sea I shall cheerfully 
take charge of him and do all in my power to promote his advancement. 
At present I have no thought of leaving home. I am in hopes you will 
come this way next season. Nothing will give me more pleasure, particu- 
larly as I am about purchasing me a little place on the island and shall 
amuse myself in farming on a small scale, and as you are so good a farmer 
you could give me hints that would be useful. 

I am, dear Ludlow, your sincere friend, 

O. H. Perry 

Charles Ludlow, Esq." 

The following is an extract from a long letter of Commodore Hull, who 
writes again on the 5th of January, 1834 : 

" It is a long time, my good sir, since I had the pleasure of seeing you, 
but my friendship and regard for you is as it ever was, and I frequently 
call to mind the pleasant days we have spent together. Nothing would 
give me more pleasure than to have you make us a visit. I wish you and 


the judge would come at this time ; it would be of great service to me to 
have him here, independent of the pleasure I should have in seeing two 
friends that I regard and respect. 

Yours, Isaac Hull" 

" Washington, 5th January, 1834. 
My Dear Sir : 

Having been obliged to lay to for a few days with the main topsail 
aback on account of not having been wet with salt water for a long 
time (or having been too much wet with fresh water in the late gale), 
gives me an opportunity of giving you a scolding for not letting me see 
you when you were in Washington. I did not know you were here until 
about the time you left, and then I heard you had left the city. I was not 
willing to believe you would come so near your old friends and not see 
them. It would indeed have given me great pleasure to have had you 
spend a day or as many days with me as your time would allow you. It 
would take more than one day to talk over all our sayings and doings, and 
we have had many pleasures together. 

I have lately been looking over all my letters, orders, etc., which has 
accumulated since I joined the service. And you may be assured many 
pleasant occurrences have been brought fresh to my mind that I had for- 
gotten. I wished particularly to have talked over our pleasant cruise in 
the little Adams together, our cruise in the bay of Gibraltar, and our nar- 
row escape from getting on shore on Cuberita Point, when young Decatur 
got the ship in irons there and could not get her out of irons or out of 

difficulty. Do you remember what passed between Captain and 

myself, when I came on deck with my old striped trousers in my hand, 
standing on one of the quarterdeck guns and trying to put them on ? 

You recollect I took the deck in the greatest confusion. They had at- 
tempted to put the ship in stays, and in the confusion she missed stays and 
one yard was hanging one way and another the other way. There was not 
room to fire, for the rocks were very near on the weather bow, and the 
diamond rock under our lee. But no time was to be lost. I directed the 

men to go to the stations and ware the ship, and said to Captain , 

' Keep yourself cool and we shall get the ship off.' • Cool,' he said, ' I am 
as cool as a cucumber. Do you see the rocks, do you see the rocks ? ' I 
answered I did, but we could not help it — something must be done. I was 
then in the act of wareing the ship. He then said, ' You will be on the 
diamond, you will be on the diamond ! ' I believe I said, ' D — n the dia- 
mond ! We can't help it. The ship must be wore.' You recollect we had 


for a long time a by-word, ' Do you see the rocks? D — n the diamond.' If 
you have a perfect recollection of that affair I should much like to have 
your relation of the circumstances, and your candid opinion whether you 
do not believe that the ship would have been lost if I had not acted with 
the promptness that I did? Previous to that I saved the Constitution when 

commanded her, and I do think that I saved the Adams on that 

occasion. It may be well to have those things on paper, but I do not wish 
to make any use of them. 

Captain was a very good man, and we made ourselves very happy 

under him, but he had not that cool judgment and action that sometimes 
is necessary to get out of difficulty, and on that occasion it was particu- 
larly manifest. He was more alarmed than he was when Miss 

walked up the peach-tree to get him some fine peaches, and when she 
came down, behold ! her wig was hanging to the limb. You know we did 

believe that Captain would have liked the cash the old man would 

leave, but this business of the wig was a bad mistake — all was over. I do 
not know whether 1 can forgive you for not letting me know that you 
were here, but if you do the like again I shall indeed be sorry. You will 
see by the papers how we carry on the war here ; there will, no doubt, be 
much sharp fighting before congress rises, in words if not otherwise. When 
you have come here as a member I will put you in pistols for once at least. 

Will you write me and say that you and yours are well, and that you 
will not leave me in the lurch the next time you come, I am very truly 
and sincerely, your old and long-tried friend, 

I. Hull 

To Charles Ludlow, Esq.* 

Robert Crommelin Ludlow, United States navy, the brother of 
Augustus C. and Charles Ludlow, served with Captain Bainbridge when 
the British ship Java was conquered by the Constitution, in an action still 
held in grateful remembrance by Americans. To his friend Robert C. 
Ludlow f Bainbridge confided the pleasing duty of hastening to Wash- 

* Captain Charles Ludlow died at "Windsor Hill" in 1839, leaving surviving only one 
daughter, the wife of the late Thomas W. Chrystie, Esq., of Windsor Hill, who was a nephew of 
the late Mr. Secretary Albert Gallatin, and a grandson of Commodore James Nicholson, senior 
officer of the American navy, 1776-83. Mr. Chrystie was, at the time of his death, one of the 
oldest alumni of Columbia college. He was also a member of the Society of the Cincinnati, in 
the right of his grandfather, Captain James Chrystie, United States army. Mrs. Chrystie's only 
son, Thomas M. Ludlow Chrystie, after leaving college served in the civil war as acting ensign in 
the navy on the staff of Admiral Farragut on the Hartford, Mobile Bay, and Ensign Chrystie was 
present at the capture of that city. 

f Mrs. Lamb's History of the City of New York, vol. ii. 621. 


ifigton to communicate to congress and thence to the nation the intelli- 
gence of this cheering event. Robert C. Ludlow served also on the 
United States in the action with the Macedonian. He was a faithful and 
respected officer, and died young in service. His son William Bainbridge 
Ludlow died a lieutenant in the United States navy. His daughter 
Mary Ludlow became Mrs. James Carroll of James, in Maryland. Rob- 
ert C. Ludlow, having married Miss Wethered of South Carolina, estab- 
lished his home in Baltimore, Maryland, where his descendants are at this 
day most honorably settled among the leading citizens of that city. 

As already stated, Lieutenant William Jones, a younger and half- 
brother of the Ludlows, who have been successively mentioned, was also 
a line officer of the navy, and is the young gentleman referred to in the 
following letter : 

"Boston, $djuly, 181 1. 
Dear Brother: 

Your last favor received a few days since on my return from New Lon- 
don, where I was a week attending to a ship that was consigned to us cast 
away on Montauk Point. I saved part of the cargo, sails, rigging, etc., 
and sold the ship for $56. Since my return have been very busy in get- 
ting the stores for the Guerriere ready, which are now, thank fortune, all 
on board. She is only waiting for Mr. Campbell, who is on his way and 
will be here next week. The Macedonian is getting ready, is not off 
in the stream yet, will not sail before the middle of September. Mr. 
Thomas answered the navy agent by saying Midshipman Jones shall be 
ordered. If he is not on receipt of this, let me know. Will then get Cap- 
tain Downes to apply for him, who will for me with much pleasure. He 
aS well as the first lieutenant (a fine fellow, young Maury), and the purser 
I am intimate with, all of whom will attend to William. It will, there- 
fore, only depend on himself how he will get along. Shall expect to see 
you this summer about Perry, Chauncey, et al. I prefer telling you than 
writing. This scrawl you must excuse. Kindest love to our good mother, 
and believe me, 

Sincerely your affectionate brother, 

R. C. Ludlow 

Charles Ludlow, Esq., 

New Burgh, State of New York." 

Such, then, were the immediate associates of Lieutenant Augustus C. 
Ludlow of the Chesapeake. They, as well as he, had been trained for the 
sea and thought of little besides ; no one has ever truly spoken of them, 
either as sailors or gentlemen, except with respect and to hold their pro- 


fessional attainment in honor. Roosevelt in his very recent History of 
New York mentions the ancestors of these officers " as representatives of the 
foremost families of the New York gentry," and other writers mention 
them as among the few settlers of the province of New York who had been 
highly connected in England. No doubt, in this country, a claim to high 
descent, of all the accidents of human environment, is one of the most 
foolish, but if there is anything in race characteristics the Ludlows of 
Orange county certainly inherited the fighting qualities for which their 
predecessors had been so noted in England some two centuries before. 

As on some principle of selection which it is difficult to understand, 
the names of none of these officers, so justly distinguished, appear in the 
account of the Ludlow family given in Mrs. Lamb's well-known History of 
the City of New York* which account seems exclusively confined to one 
or two branches at present living and accessible, a brief narration of their 
ancestry may not be amiss in an article necessarily biographical. 

Charles, Augustus, and Robert C. Ludlow were all natives of Orange 
county, New York, and it is perhaps well to follow Mrs. Lamb's work 
and to regard them as distinct from the later Ludlows of New York city. 
The sympathies of the Orange^ county family were distinctly professional, 
American, and republican. The father of Charles, Augustus, and Robert 
C. Ludlow — Robert Crommelin Ludlow, Sr. — was the grandson of the 
progenitor of all the Ludlows of New York, namely Gabriel Ludlow, who 
was born in 1663 at "Castle Carey " in Somerset, England, and who emi- 
grated to New York in 1694. This Gabriel Ludlow here married, in 
1697, a daughter of the Rev. Dr. Joseph Hanmer, then a chaplain to the 
British forces in the province of New Brunswick. 

Gabriel Ludlow, the first, has always been conceded by all historians of 
New York to be one of the few Englishmen of undoubtedly high lineage 
who at that time had come to the North American colonies. It is, as I 
am informed, generally asserted by genealogists, that not one in a hundred 
accounts of remote ancestors is verified by adequate proofs. But that of 
Gabriel Ludlow has been invariably conceded by them to be established 
beyond criticism or peradventure. He was the great-great-grandson of 
George Ludlow of Hill Deverill, by Edith his wife, the third daughter of 
Andrew, Lord Windsor. But high lineage can be of consequence only 
when it begets high qualities. In England the family of Gabriel Ludlow 
had certainly enacted lofty parts — parts of exceptional and historic inter- 
est — and several of them fled from England to save their lives. The first 
Gabriel Ludlow of New York, though extremely well known by the constant 

* Mrs. Lamb, History of the City of Neiv York, vol. ii. 446. 


reference to him of the annalists of that city, seems to have been content to 
live the simple life of a merchant in a distant and then rude colonial seaport 
town. Gabriel (1) left six sons, one of whom, Gabriel (2), was the grand- 
father of Augustus C. Ludlow, United States navy, and his brothers 
Robert and Charles. This Gabriel (2) married first Miss Frances Duncan, 
whose son George Duncan Ludlow, a puisne justice of the supreme court 
of the province of New York, fled at the Revolution to New Brunswick, 
where he held a similar office. For a second wife Gabriel (2) married 
Elizabeth Crommelin, a member of a family most interesting to our gene- 
alogists.* The second son of this second marriage, Robert Crommelin 
Ludlow, Sr., born January 5, 1758, was the father of the Orange county 
Ludlows, including the three naval officers mentioned. 

Just after the Revolution Robert C. Ludlow, Sr., migrated to Orange 
county, New York, a county in which his family long had interests of 
some kind. His father had been a member of the assembly of the prov- 
ince of New York, and sat for Orange county from 1739 to 1745, while his 
uncle, Henry Ludlow, had been surrogate of the prerogative court for 
Orange county as early as 1727. But it was probably the interest of his 
maternal grandfather, Daniel Crommelin, which induced Robert C. Lud- 
low, Sr., to settle near Gray Court, Orange county. Daniel Crommelin, 
being part owner of the Wawayanda patent, had made a settlement there 
in 1 7 16, and called it Gray Court after his native village in the Circle of 
Gray, Haute Saone, France, and this interest, it is believed, attracted Rob- 
ert C. Ludlow, Sr., to this neighborhood. He subsequently removed to 
Newburgh on the Hudson, and must have stopped at New Windsor awhile, 
for several of his daughters were born at the house of his friend Colonel 
Thomas Ellison (a description of whose house I gave in this magazine for 
August, i890).f But Orange county offered other inducements; it was 
one of the most picturesque and fertile parts of early New York, and it had 
the advantage of bordering on the Hudson river without the disadvantage 
of some of the feudal tenures of other river counties, which repelled rather 
than attracted the more independent settlers. In Orange county there is 
no trace of manorial tenures, and from the first all land was in fee simple. 
This fact attracted a superior class of settlers and farmers to this county, 
as few persons of the better class were then willing to accept the situation 
of tenant farmers, even where the land might be better, if they could 
go elsewhere and own lands in fee. The freehold lands were the secret 

*See New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, October, 1870, p. 170 ; vols. ix. and x. 

f P. 83, vol. xxiv. 


of the democratic and excellent society which early prevailed in Orange 

Robert Crommelin Ludlow, Sr., married October 7, 1781, Elizabeth 
Conkling of Long Island, an aunt of Judge Conkling, the father of the late 
Hon. Roscoe Conkling. Mrs. Robert C. Ludlow, Sr., was a descendant of 
a daughter of Lion Gardiner, Elizabeth Gardiner (Conkling), the first 
white woman born within the limits of the present state of New York. 
Thus her sons, the officers mentioned in this sketch, could trace their 
ancestry on their mother's side to that unique old soldier of fortune, Lion 
Gardiner of Gardiner's Island, who is certainly one of the most romantic 
and picturesque of all the early settlers of North America. 

The letters given in this article are now published for the first time. 
They are among those found among the late Captain Charles Ludlow's 
papers at " Windsor Hill." 

New York City. 


It was fourteen hundred and ninety two, 

The close of the New Year's day, 
When the armies of Catholic Ferdinand, 
The flower of all the Spanish land, 
At the siege of Granada lay. 

Ten thousand foot and ten thousand 

And ten thousand men with bows, 
Were on the left, and as many more 
Had stormed close up to the city's door 

Where the Darro river flows. 

And the king held levee, for on that day 

Great news had come to court — 
How on the morrow the town would yield, 
And the flag of Spain with the yellow 
Would float from the Moorish fort. 

There were princely nobles and high 
That night in the royal tent ; 
And the beautiful queen with the golden 

And shining armor and sword, was there. 
On the king's right arm she leant. 

It was nine, and the old Alhambra bells 

Tolled out on the moonlit air ; 
And over the battlements far there came 
The murmuring sound of Allah's name, 
And the Moorish troops at prayer. 

" Hark ! " said the king, as he heard the 
" Hark, hark to yon bell's refrain ! 
Five hundred years it has called the 

This night and 'twill call him nevermore ; 
To-morrow 'twill ring for Spain ! " 

Then spake a guest at the king's right 
" To-morrow the end will be ; 
Hast thou not said when the war is done, 
And the Christ flag floats o'er the Moslem 
Thou wouldst keep thy promise to me ? 

Thou wouldst give me ships, and wouldst 
give me men 
Who would dare to follow me ? 
Help thou this night with thy royal hand, 
And I'll make thee king of a new-found 
And king of a new-found sea. 

For the world is round, and a ship may 

Straight on with the setting sun, 
Beyond Atlantis a thousand miles, 
Beyond the peaks of the golden isles, 

To the Ophir of Solomon. 

So I'll find new roads to the golden isles, 

To the gardens that bloom alway, 
To the treasure quarries of Ispahan, 
The sunlit hills of the mighty Khan, 
And the wonders of far Cathay. 

And gold I'll bring from the islands 
And riches of palm and fir 
Thou shalt have, my king ; and the lords 

of Spain 
Shall march with the Christ-flag once 
And rescue the sepulchre." 

But the nobles smiled, and the prelates 
With many a scornful fling, 



" Had not the wisest already said 
It was but the scheme of an empty head, 
And no fit thing for a king ! 

And were it true that the world is round 
And not like an endless plain, 

Were our good king's vessels the seas to 

Adown the slope of the world's great side, 
How would they get up again ? 

And the land of the fabled antipodes 

Were a wonderful land to see, 
Where people stand with their heads on 

the ground, 
And their feet in the air, while the world 
spins round " — . 
And they all laughed merrily. 

But the king laughed not, though he 
scarce believed 
The things that his ears had heard ; 
And he thought full long of the promise 

And he knew that the day and the hour 
were there 
If a king were to keep his word. 

So he said, " For a while, for a little 

Let it bide, for the cost is great ; " 
But the guest replied : " Nay, seven years 
I have waited on with my hopes and fears; 

And soon it will be too late." 

Then spoke the queen, " Be it done for 
Here's my jewels, for woe or weal ; " 
And she took the gems from her shining 

And the priceless pearls she was wont to 
And she said, "For my own Castile." 

There were three ships sailing from 
Palos town 
Ere the noon of a summer's day, 
And the people looked at the ships and 

" God pity their souls, for they all are 
dead ; " 
But the ships went down the bay. 

And an east wind blew, and the convent 
Rang out in sweet accord, 
And the master stood on the deck and 

" We sail in the name of the Crucified, 
With the flag of the Christ our Lord." 

They were ten days out when a storm 
wind blew — 
Ten days from the coast of Spain, 
And the sailors shrived each other and 

" God help us now, or we all are dead ! 
We will never see land again." 

They were twelve days out when an 
ocean rock 

Burst forth in a sea of fire, 
As if each peak and each lava cliff 
Of the red-hot sides of Teneriffe 

Were a sea king's funeral pyre. 

And the sailors crossed themselves and 

" Alas for the day we swore 
To follow a reckless adventurer — 
Though it be at last to the sepulchre — 

In search of an unknown shore." 

And they spoke of the terror that lay be- 
Of the hurricanes born of hell, 
Of the sunless seas that forever roar, 



Where the moon had perished long years 
When an evil spirit fell. 

And ever the winds blew west, blew west, 
And the ships flew over the main. 

"They are cursed winds," the mariners 

" That blow us forever ahead — ahead ; 
They will never blow back to Spain." 

But the master cited the Holy Writ ; 

And he told of a vision fair, 
How a shining angel would show the way 
To the Indus isles and the sweet Cathay, 

And he "knew they were almost 

But a sea-calm came and the ships stood 

And the sails drooped idle and low, 
And a seaweed covered the vasty deep 
As darkness covers a world in sleep, 

And they feared for the rocks below. 

It was twelve that night when a breeze 
sprang fresh 
As if from a land close by, 
And the sailors whispered each other and 

" God only knows what next is ahead — 
Or if to-morrow we die." 

It was two by the clock on the ship next 
And breathless the sailors stand, 
With eyes strained into the starless night, 
When lo, there's a cry of "A light, a 
light !" 
And a shout of " The land — the land." 

When the admiral, followed by all his 

With the flag of Christ and the flag of 

Rode proudly up the bay. 

In robes of scarlet and princely gold, 

On the new world's land they kneel ; 
In the name of Christ, whom all adore, 
They christened the island San Salvador, 
For the crown of their own Castile. 

And the simple islanders gazed in awe 
On the " gods from another sphere ;" 

And they brought them gifts of the Yuca 

And golden trinkets, and parrots red, 
And showed them the islands near. 

They told of the lords of a golden house, 

Of the mountains of Cibao, 
The cavern where once the moon was 

The hills that waken the sun at morn, 

And the isles where the spices grow. 

From isle to island the ships flew on, 
Like white birds on the main, 

Till the master said, " With my flags 

I have opened the gates of another world. 
I will carry the news to Spain." 

It was seven months since at Palos town 
Ere the noon of that summer's day, 

The good ships sailed, with their flags 

In search of another and far-off world — 
And again they are in the bay. 

There were weeping eyes, there were Twelve months have passed, and the king 
pressing hands again 

Till the dawn of that blessed day ; Holds levee with all his train, 



And Columbus sits at the king's right 

And whether on sea or upon the land 
Is the greatest man in Spain. 

And the queen has honored him most of 
She has taken him by the hand, 
" Don Christopher thou shalt be called 

alway ; " 
And a golden cross on his heart there lay, 
And over his breast a band. 

And ships she gave, and a thousand men, 

With nobles and knights in train ; 
And again the convent bells they rung, 
And the praise of his name was on every 
As he sailed for the West again. 

To the hundred islands and far away 

In the heats of the torrid zone, 
To gardens as fair as Hesperides, 
To spice grown forests, and scented seas, 
Where no sails had ever blown. 

And up and down by the new world's 

And over the western main, 
With but the arms of his own true word, 
He lifted the flag of the blessed Lord 

And the flag of the land of Spain. 

And he gave them all to the king and 
And riches of things untold ; 
And never a ship that crossed the sea 
But brought them tokens from fruit and 
And gems from the land of gold. 

Three times he had sailed to his new- 
found world, 
Five times he had crossed the main, 
When walking once by the sea he heard, 

By secret letter or secret word, 
Of a murderous plot in Spain — 

How that envious persons about the 

Had poisoned the mind of the king, 
By many a letter of false report, 
By base suspicion of evil sort, 

And words with a traitorous sting. 

And the king, half eager to hear the worst, 

For he never had been a friend, 
Believed it all, and he rued the hour 
He gave to the master rank and power, 
And resolved it should have an end. 

So with cold pretense of the truth to hear, 
And with heart that was false as base, 
A ship was hurried across the main, 
With Boabdilla, false knight of Spain, 
To take the admiral's place. 

O that kings should ever unkingly be ! 

O that men should ever forget ! 
For that fatal hour the false knight came, 
To the king's disgrace and the great 
world's shame, 

The star of Columbus set. 

They took the queen's cross from off his 
And chains they gave him instead ; 
And iron gyves on his wrists they put, 
Vile fetters framed for each hand and 
" 'Twere better they'd left him dead." 

For he who was first of the new-found 
And bravest upon the main, 
Who had found the isles of the fabled 

And the far-off lands that his faith fore- 
Was dragged like a felon to Spain. 



But the whole world heard the clank of 
his chains 
When he landed in Cadiz bay, 
And fearing the taunt and the curse and 

The false king hurried to take them off 
At the pier where the old ship lay. 

But little it helped, nor the king's false 
As he sat in his robes of state ; 
For wrong is wrong, if in hut or hall, 
And the right were as well not done at 
If done, alas ! too late. 

And little it helped if here and there 

The mantle of favor stole 
Across his shoulders to hide the stain 
Of a broken heart or a broken chain — 

They had burned too deep in his soul. 

So the years crept by, and the cold 
Of kings that will come the while ; 
For ever and ever 'tis still the same — 
Short lived's the glory of him whose 
Depends on a prince's smile. 

And long he thought, could he see the 
Could he speak with her face to face, 
She would know the truth and would be 

What once she was ere his hopes were 
slain ; 
And he sighed in his lonely place. 

And on a day when he seemed forgot, 

And darker the fates, and grim, 
A letter came, 'twas the queen's com- 
" Come straight to court," in her own 
fair hand, 
And she would be true to him. 

But alas for man, and alas for queen, 

And alas for hopes so sped ! 
He had only come to the castle gate 
When the warder said, " It is late — too 
For the queen she is lying dead." 

And the king forgot what the fair good 

With her dying lips had said ; 
And he who had given a world to Spain 
Had never a roof for himself again, ' 

And he wished that he too were dead. 

Slow tolled the bells of old Seville town 

At the noon of a summer's day ; 
For up in a chamber of yonder inn, 
Close by the street with its noise and din, 
The heart of the new world lay. 

Perhaps the king on his throne close by 

No thought to the tolling gave ; 
But over a world, far up and down, 
They heard the bells of Seville town, 
And they stood by an open grave. 

And the Seville bells they are ringing still 
Through the centuries far and dim ; 
And though it is but the common lot 
Of men to die, and to be forgot, 
They will ring forever of him. 

Boston, Massachusetts 

£ h ^K ^3y vui « 



I assumed command of the Mississippi squadron at Cairo, Illinois, in 
October 1862. Soon after my arrival I sent a messenger to General Grant, 
informing him I had taken command of the naval forces, and should be 
happy to cooperate with him in any enterprise he might think proper to 
undertake. I also informed him that General McClernand had orders to 
raise troops at Springfield, Illinois, prior to undertaking the capture of 

Several weeks later Captain McAllister, quartermaster at Cairo, gave a 
supper-party to me and the officers on the station, on board the quarter- 
master's steamer, a large, comfortable river-boat. Supper had been served 
when I saw Captain McAllister usher in a tra/vel-worn person dressed in 
citizen's clothes. McAllister was a very tall man, and his companion was 
dwarfed by his superior size. McAllister introduced the gentleman to me 
as General Grant, and placed us at a table by ourselves. 

Grant, though evidently tired and hungry, commenced business at 
once. " Admiral," he asked, " what is all this you have been writing me ? " 

I gave the general an account of my interviews with the President and 
with General McClernand, and he inquired : " When can you move with 
your gun-boats, and what force have you ? " My reply was : " I can move 
to-morrow with all the old gun-boats and five or six other vessels; also the 
Tyler, Cones toga and Lexington." 

" Well, then," said Grant, " I will leave you now and write at once to 
Sherman to have thirty thousand infantry and artillery embarked in trans- 
ports, ready to start for Vicksburg the moment you get to Memphis. I 
will return to Holly Springs to-night, and will start with a large force for 
Grenada as soon as I can get off. General Joe Johnston is near Vicksburg 
with forty thousand men, besides the garrison of the place under General 
Pemberton. When Johnston hears I am marching on Grenada he will 
come from Vicksburg to meet me and check my advance. I will hold him 
at Grenada while you and Sherman push on down the Mississippi and 
make a landing somewhere on the Yazoo. The garrison at Vicksburg will 
be small and Sherman will have no difficulty in getting inside the works. 
When that is done I will force Johnston out of Grenada, and as he falls 

* Incidents and Anecdotes of the Civil War. 


back on Vicksburg will follow him up with a superior force. When he 
finds Vicksburg is occupied he will retreat via Jackson." 

I thought this plan an admirable one. Grant and myself never indulged 
in long talks together ; it was only necessary for him to tell what he 
desired, and I carried out his wishes to the best of my ability. General 
Grant started that night for Holly Springs, Mississippi, and, I believe, rode 
on horseback nearly all the way, while I broke up the supper-party by 
ordering every officer to his post to be ready to start down the river next 
day at noon. This was preliminary to the capture of Vicksburg. 

Grant in his plain, dusty coat was in my eyes a greater general than the 
man who rides around " all feathers and fuss." Here in twenty minutes 
he unfolded his plan of campaign, involving the transportation of over one 
hundred thousand men, and with a good supper staring him in the face 
proposed to ride back again over a road he had just traveled, without tast- 
ing a mouthful, his cigar serving, doubtless, for food and drink. 

Three days after, I started down the Mississippi with all the naval 
forces, and at Memphis found General Sherman embarking his troops on a 
long line of river steamers, and sent word to the general that I would call 
upon him at his headquarters. Thinking it probable that Sherman would 
be dressed in full feather, I put on my uniform coat, the splendor of which 
rivaled that of a drum-major. Sherman hearing that I was indifferent to 
appearances, and generally dressed in working clothes, thought he would 
not annoy me by fixing up, and so kept on his blue flannel suit, and we 
met, both a little surprised at the appearance of the other. 

" Halloo, Porter!" said the general, "I am glad to see you; you got 
here sooner than I expected, but we'll get off to-night. . . . Cold, isn't 
it? Sit down and warm up." And he stirred up the coal in the grate. 
" Here, captain" — to one of his aids — " tell General Blair to get his men 
on board at once. Tell the quartermaster to report as soon as he has six 
hundred thousand rations embarked. Here, Dick" — to his servant — "put 
me up some shirts and underclothes in a bag, and don't bother me with a 
trunk and traps enough for a regiment. Here, captain" — to another aid 
— " tell the steamboat captains to have steam up at six o'clock, and to lay 
in plenty of fuel, for I am not going to stop every few hours to cut wood. 
Tell the officer in charge of embarkation to allow no picking and choosing 
of boats ; the generals in command must take what is given them — there, 
that will do. — Glad to see you, Porter; how's Grant?" 

This was the first time I had ever met General Sherman, and my 
impressions of him were very favorable. I thought myself lucky to have 
two such generals as Grant and Sherman to cooperate with. 


In the Genesis of the United States Mr. Alexander Brown of Virginia 
has made an invaluable contribution to the history of the colonization of 
America by the English, in collecting and arranging three hundred and 
sixty documents relating to the movement between 1605 and 1616, which 
resulted in establishing a colony at Jamestown. Of the documents printed 
nearly three hundred are here for the first time given to the public, 
having been for the most part unearthed in the archives of Europe by the 
indefatigable author. The whole presents as a panorama the grand move- 
ment which established in North America a bulwark against the all-absorb- 
ing Spanish power, and finally gave North America to the English people 
as a theatre upon which to demonstrate that man is capable of self- 

Mr. Brown is to be congratulated upon the grandeur with which he 
has invested the movement, in preserving the facts relating to it. And 
for his painstaking in this, as in the sketches of the actors appended, 
he deserves, as I am sure he will receive, the hearty thanks of all students 
of American history. 

With so much to commend in his admirable volumes, it is a grief to 
the writer to notice that the author seems to be filled with a dislike, or 
rather a hatred, of the most conspicuous figure in the settlement at James- 
town during the first three years of its existence, the preserver of the col- 
ony and its historian. Mr. Brown but seldom if ever mentions the name 
of the celebrated Captain John Smith, the hero of so many adventures in 
Virginia and elsewhere, except to sneer at him, or to denounce him. As 
a historian the author pronounces him unworthy of belief. He says : " It 
is true the accuracy of all his statements cannot be tested ; but enough 
can be to make it evident that all must be, before they can be safely taken 
for use in accurate history or biography." And of whom is this sweeping 
condemnation made ? A man selected by the company in London to be 
one of the council which was to govern the colony ; the truthfulness of 
whose writings upon Virginia was attested by numbers of men who were 
actors in the events described ; one who. enjoyed the friendship and confi- 
dence of many of the most learned and pious men of his age, and whose 
history was, from the time of its publication in 1624 till the rise of the 
race of iconoclasts in late years, known as the school of higher criticism, 
accepted as the standard authority upon the early English colonization of 


North America. Surely to expect to utterly discredit such a man, dis- 
plays a degree of self-confidence in our author which is remarkable. 

Fortunately for the old hero who is thus expected to be annihilated 
at a blow, he pointed to the authorities which attest his accuracy in the 
matters concerning which Mr. Brown makes the most determined assaults 
upon him, and by these the writer will permit him to stand or fall. In 
his sketch of Smith Mr. Brown fiercely attacks his account of his adven- 
tures before coming to Virginia, contained in True Travels, Adventures 
and Observations of Captain John Smith, published in 1629, as well as his 
record of affairs in Virginia from the settlement in 1607 till the publica- 
tion of his Generall Historie of Virginia, New England and the Summer 
Isles in 1624. This attack will be noticed in some detail. As an instance 
of Smith's inaccuracy, Mr. Brown states that he was baptized 6th Janu- 
ary, 1579, and his father died in April, 1596, his mother surviving, yet 
Smith tells us " his parents died when he was about thirteen years of age." 
Mr. Edward Arber in his admirable edition of Smith's works, printed in 
1884, gives extracts from the register of Willoughby by Alford in Lincoln- 
shire (p. xxi), by which it appears that " John the sonne of George 
Smyth was baptized the ixth daii of Januarye (1 579 or according to modern 
reckoning 1580)," and that " George Smyth of Willoughbi was buried ye 
iii day of April (1596)." Arber also gives (xix-xx) the will of George 
Smith, dated 30th March, 1596, which provides for Alice his wife, and de- 
scribes John as his oldest son. This George Smith is believed to have 
been the father of Captain John Smith, and by this record it would 
appear he was sixteen years old when his father died. The passage in 
Smith's True Travels is not accurately quoted by Mr. Brown. It is as 
follows: " His parents dying when he was about Thirteene yeeres of age," 
etc. The w or -d parents may as well be the possessive case of parent as the 
plural, for Smith in his writings makes no distinction between the two, 
not using the modern sign of the possessive case ('). It may refer, there- 
fore, solely to his father's dying. If this George Smith was the father of 
Captain John, it would follow that the " about Thirteene yeeres of age " 
was really sixteen, and that the writer, in recalling his youth in his fiftieth 
year, had not a very accurate recollection of his age when his father died. 
Mr. Brown can make the most of this, as Mr. Niell has done before him 
in Virginia Vetusta, but to the ordinary reader it will hardly tend to dis- 
credit Smith in his narration of the events of his life. Very few people 
can remember the dates of their early experiences with accurac)'. I doubt 
whether either Mr. Niell or Mr. Brown can recall, without reference to 
a register, the date of his father's death. 

Vol. XXV.-No. 4.-21 


If the word parents was used in the plural, no mistake can be con- 
sidered as proved as to Smith's mother, until Mr. Brown has adduced evi- 
dence that the Alice Smith, named in the will as wife of George Smith, was 
the mother and not the stepmother of John, or that, if the mother, she 
survived her husband a considerable time. As to the other misstatements 
charged upon Smith by Mr. Brown, the evidence adduced is inconclusive, 
and one is left in wonder that any one should have been condemned 
upon it. 

Smith states that after the death of his father he attended Mr. Pere- 
grine Bertie into France, where he joined " his brother Robert then at 
Orleans, now Earle of Linsey, and Lord Great Chamberlaine of England ; " 
that by them he was sent back to his friends within a month or six weeks, 
but instead of returning to England he went to Havre de Grace, where he 
first began to learn the life of a soldier ; that afterward he went with 
Captain Duxbury to the Low countries, where he served three or four 
years and then returned to England by way of Scotland, from whence 
after a short stay he returned to the " Low Countreyes." After a good 
deal of adventurous travel, he states that he entered the Austrian service 
in the regiment commanded by the Earl of Meldritch. Under him he 
first distinguished himself at the siege of Olumpagh by the Turks, which 
town he relieved by communicating with the Austrian commander by 
signals made with torches, upon a plan taught by him to the commander 
before the siege. Mr. Brown fixes the siege of Olumpagh after October, 
1600, and states that Peregrine Bertie left England to travel abroad after 
June 26, 1599. Thus he concludes that Smith has crowded within less 
than eighteen months the events of at least five years. 

If Smith left England soon after his father's death in April, 1596, as 
his narrative indicates, there was ample time before November, 1600, for 
the events he relates. Mr. Brown has not given references to authorities 
for his statements, but the departure of Peregrine Bertie from England 
for travel abroad is evidently taken from a passage in Virginia Vetusta, 
purporting to be an extract from the Public Record Office at London, as 
follows: " June 26, 1599. Licence to Peregrine Bertie, youngest son of 
Lord Willoughby of Eresby, to travel for three years, with his tutor, two 
servants, two horses, and 60 £ in money." It seems, therefore, that be- 
cause Peregrine Bertie traveled on the continent after June 26, 1599, Mr. 
Brown has concluded that he did not visit France before, which is clearly 
a non sequitnr. It is worthy of note that the True Travels, etc., of Smith, 
was dedicated to three prominent men, one of whom was Robert Bertie, 
Earl of Lindsey, whom Smith met, as he says, on this visit to France 


about 1596. To have made a false statement as to this meeting under 
such circumstances would have been most remarkable. 

A further instance of Mr. Brown's careless attack upon Smith is found 
in his reference to the stratagem of signals by which he relieved Olum- 
pagh. Mr. Brown would make us believe that Smith claimed the credit of 
inventing it, while it is in fact described in William Bourne's Inventions of 
1578. A little attention to Smith's text would have shown our author 
that Smith did not claim the credit of inventing it. He says he " ac- 
quainted Baron Kissell, Generall of the Archduke's artillery, he had taught 
the Governour, his worthy friend, such a rule, that he would undertake to 
make him know anything he intended and have his answer, would they 
bring him but to some place where he might make the flame of a torch 
seene to the towne." 

The governor was Lord Ebersbaught, with whom Smith had been pre- 
viously acquainted and who had recommended him to Baron Kissell, and 
Smith only claims to have taught him the rule, not to have invented it. 
But while Mr. Brown discredits all of Smith's adventures under Earl Mel- 
dritch, he seems to be satisfied that he has effectually exploded his claim 
to have killed in single combat three Turks before the town of Regall. 
Mr. Brown states that at that time the Turks were the allies of Sigis- 
mundus, under whom Earl Meldritch was fighting. He thereupon broadly 
insinuates that Smith forged the patent recorded in the Heralds' Office, 
purporting to have been given him by Sigismundus in recognition of his 
services at Regall. As to this, however, and all of the adventures of 
Smith while serving under the Earl Meldritch, we have a remarkable con- 
firmation by a disinterested witness. 

In 1625 the Rev, Samuel Purchas published his great work, Purchas 
His Pilgrimes. The author is described by Boissard, who is followed by 
Chalmers and by the Encyclopedia Britannica, as "a man exquisitely 
skilled in languages, and all arts, divine and human ; a very great philoso- 
pher, historian, and divine ; a faithful presbyter of the Church of England, 
very famous for many excellent writings." This learned man and emi- 
nent divine was personally well acquainted with Smith, and has given his 
unqualified indorsement of him as a historian in his writings. Chapter 
eleven of the second volume of His Pilgrimes is devoted to " The travels 
of Captain John Smith in divers parts of the world." It commences with 
Smith's second visit to the continent, and relates his adventures till he 
enlisted under Earl Meldritch, and adds: " With whom going to Vienna 
in Austria hee made him captaine of 250 souldiers, under whose regi- 
ments how he spent his time, this ensuing discourse will declare, as it is 


written in a book intituled the Warres of Transilvania, Wallachi and 
Moldavia, written by Francisco Ferneza, a learned Italian, secretarie to 
Sigismundus Bathor the Prince." Then follow as quotations, " Extracts 
of Captaine Smith's Transylvanian acts out of Fr: Fer." These quoted 
extracts relate the sieges of Olumpagh and Stowlle-Wesenburg, and the 
stratagems of Smith at each, and also the siege of Regall and the combats 
of Smith with the three Turks. After relating these the author continues 
as follows: "The Prince (Sigismundus) comming to view the armie pre- 
sented with the Prisoners, and six and thirtie ensignes (after his accus- 
tomed manner, having given thanks to God), he was acquainted what ser- 
vice Smith had done at Olumpagh, Stolewisenberge, and Regall; for 
which with great honor and solemnitie, he gave him three Turkes heads 
in a shield for armes, with an oath ever to weare them in his colours, his 
picture in gold, and three hundred duckats yeerely for a pension." Pur- 
chas also relates the battle of Rottenton upon the authority of this Italian 
author, and adds a brief account of Smith's capture there, and of his sale 
into captivity, his escape, and return home. In his own account of the 
incidents thus related, including the extracts from Ferneza, Smith follows 
the text of Purchas, and there is nothing for which Mr. Brown attacks him 
as to this period that is not given on the authority of the private secretary 
of Sigismundus. As to the fact that at the siege of Regall Smith was 
fighting against the Turks, and was not their ally, the following extract 
from Ferneza as given by Purchas should be conclusive : 

" Duke Mercurie dividing his armie, sent the Earle Meldritch (of whose 
company was Captaine Smith in this encounter) to assist the Lord Basta, 
generall for the Emperor Rodulph, against Sigismundus Bathur, the Prince 
of Transylvania, who beyond all men's belief newly returned from Poland, 
and established in his estate. The Earle neither finding pay, nor such 
regard as he expected, persuaded his troops rather to serve the Prince 
against the Turkes, than Basta against the Prince. The souldiers worne 
out with these payless travels, upon hope to make Bootie of what they 
could get from the Turke, were easily persuaded to follow him whereso- 
ever ; especially to helpe regaine or ransacke his Fathers country, then 
possessed by the Turkes, which (they had) notwithstanding those warres 
was rich and unspoyled. . . . The Earle having made many incursions into 
the land of Zarkain, amongst the rockie mountains, where the people were 
some Turkes, some Tartars, some Jewes, but most Banditoes, Renegadoes 
and such like, which sometimes he forced into the Plaines of Regall." 
Then follows the siege of that town as related by Smith. Strange to say 
this conclusive authority adduced by Purchas is not noticed by Mr. Brown. 


I might well conclude this branch of my subject here, but in considera- 
tion of the difficulties which seem to beset Mr. Brown's mind, I will notice 
the only authority which he has adduced. It will be well to recall to the 
reader that Sigismundus Bathori, king of Poland, claimed also the crown 
of Transylvania. In 1699 he resigned his claim in favor of his brother 
Andreas, who was attacked and defeated by Michael the Brave in con- 
junction with an Austrian army under General Basti. Michael then seized 
the reins of government, but there was a revolt of the people, and General 
Basti heading it drove him out. He made favor, however, with the em- 
peror, and returned with a force under Basti and attacked Sigismundus 
who had again laid claim to the crown. Soon afterward Michael was 
murdered, and it was then that Earl Meldritch was detached from the 
Austrian army under the Duke de Mercceur and sent to the aid of Basti. 
Meldritch was born in Transylvania, and finding a part of the territory in 
the possession of the Austrians, a part in the possession of Sigismundus, 
and a part in possession of a band of outlaws, among whom were some 
Turks, carried his men over to Sigismundus and asked permission to 
drive out the outlaws. This being granted, he drove them into Regall 
and laid siege to the town. Mr. Brown claims, apparently upon the au- 
thority of Knolles' History of the Turks, that the army of Sigismundus was 
composed of "Polonians, Turks, and Tartars." If this be so, yet it would 
not make the Turks among the " Banditoes and Renegadoes" driven into 
Regall, allies of Sigismundus ; and so Mr. Brown's great point against 
Smith amounts to nothing. 

Sigismundus was forced to retire from Transylvania after making terms 
with the Austrians. After Smith's return from captivity he tells us he 
visited him at " Lipswick in Misenland, who gave him his passe, intimating 
the service he had done and the honors he had received, with fifteene hun- 
dred ducats of gold to repaire his losses." This paper is the one recorded 
at the Herald's office, and bears date 9th December, 1603. It was evidently 
given instead of the patent previously given in 1602, as related by Ferneza, 
which last no doubt had been lost when Smith was captured at Rottenton. 
Mr. Brown's cavil that Sigismundus was no longer " Duke of Transyl- 
vania," etc., as described in the paper of 1603, is remarkable, in view of 
the habit of sovereigns to retain titles, once assumed, long after they have 
lost the territories on which they were based. An instance stares Mr. 
Brown in the face in the charters to the London company given in his 
book, wherein James describes himself as "king of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland," when France had been lost to the English crown 
since the days of Henry VI. 


Mr. Brown bases his attack upon Smith as an actor in the Virginia 
colony, and its historian, on the assumption that the affairs of the Virginia 
company of London, which planted the colony at Jamestown, were veiled 
in the greatest secrecy, mainly for fear of the Spaniards, and that "no 
accurate account of the location of the colonies or numbers of the colo- 
nists, no description of the country, its position, its rivers, ports, harbors, 
etc., no map of the country, could have been given to the public in print 
by any officer of the Virginia companies without falsifying his solemn 
oath. All such data were closely kept by the managers of the companies, 
and no part of them could be honorably published, without the consent of 
his Majesties Privy Counsel or the Counsel of Virginia or the more part of 
them," (page 45). The author refers to no authority for this important 
statement, by which at one blow he attempts to destroy the credit of all 
the publications made concerning the Virginia colony, unless made by or 
with the consent of the privy council or the council in London. The 
only authority he can have is the oath prescribed for the council in Vir- 
ginia, in the instructions given when the colony was first sent out. In 
these no oath was required of any one except the President and council. 
That oath is found in Nidi's History of the Virginia Company of London, at 
page 7. Each member of the council was required to swear : " I shall 
faithfully and truly declare my mind and opinion according to my heart 
and conscience in all things treated of in that counsel, and shall keep secret 
all matter committed and revealed unto me concerning the same, or that 
shall be treated of secretly in that counsel, until time as by the consent 
of His Majesty's Privy Counsel or the Counsel of Virginia or the more 
part of- them, publication shall be made thereof." 

It is plain that this oath bound no one except the members of the 
council taking it, and as to them it only required secrecy as to matters 
discussed in the secret sessions of the council. As to " the location of the 
colony, number of colonists, description of the country, its position, its 
rivers, ports, and harbors, and its map," these not being part of the secret 
proceedings of the council, their publication was not prohibited to any 
one in or out of the council. Accordingly we find numerous publications 
concerning Virginia during the period of which Mr. Brown writes, 1607- 
1616, some under the direction of the council in London, but most of them 
by the colonists. The first of these was the letter of Captain Smith to a 
friend in England, known as " Smith's True Relation," printed in 1608. 
It was published and sold by William Welby, a stationer, who was per- 
sonally interested in the Virginia enterprise, and who, instead of being 
rebuked by the council in England, was soon afterward made the publisher 


for the company (see the author's statement of these facts at page 181). 
This little publication gave an account of the seating of the colony on a 
river entering the Chesapeake bay, the voyage up the river, the explora- 
tions of Smith, his capture and liberation, a short description of the 
country and its inhabitants, and some account of events at Jamestown. 
Of course the Spanish minister got possession of this tract and of the 
chart of Virginia, believed to have been sent with it, and we find him on 
ioth September, 1608, sending a copy of the chart to his king, and " the 
report given him by a person who had been in Virginia."* If it was the 
policy of the London company to conceal from the Spaniards the particu- 
lars of the colonization at Jamestown, as Mr. Brown supposes, it was 
strange they did not prevent the publication of this letter of Smith and 
did not keep secret the chart he sent them. Instead of maintaining this 
secrecy the London council in 1610 authorized and directed the publica- 
tion of two tracts both full of information about the colony. One was 
A True and sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation 
begun in Virginia, of the degrees which it hath received ; and means by 
which it Jiath beene advanced ; and the resolution and conclusion of J lis 
Majesties Council of the Colony, for the constant and patient prosecution 
thereof, until by the mercies of God it shall retribute a fruit full harvest to 
the Kingdom of Heaven, and this Commonwealth. The other is styled A 
True Declaration of the estate of the Colony in Virginia, with a Confuta- 
tion of such Scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy 
an enterprise. 

These publications gave sufficient information to the Spaniards to 
enable them to destroy the colony if they had been disposed and able 
to attempt it. They also admitted the feeble condition of the colony and 
gave the reasons for it. Two years afterward a publication was made of 
the accounts given by several of the colonists of affairs in Virginia, which 
is known as the " Oxford Tract " because printed at Oxford. This con- 
tained a description of the country and of its inhabitants written by 
Smith, but the historical part was not written nor compiled by him, al- 
though Mr. Brown constantly refers to it as Smith's production. This 
tract gave the version of their trials and troubles as related by the men at 
Jamestown. The historical part has the following title-page : 

" The proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first 
beginning from England, in the yeare of our Lord 1606, till this present 
1612, with all their accidents that befell them in their Journies and Dis- 
coveries. Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations of the Bor- 
* Pages 1S3 and 195 of the Genesis. 


dering neighbors, and how they became subject to the English. Unfolding 
even the fundamental causes from whence have sprang so many miseries 
to the undertakers and scandals to the businesse. Taken faithfully as they 
were written out of the writings of Thomas Studley, the first provant 
maister, Anas Todkill, Walter Russell, Doctor of Phisicke, Nathaniel Pow- 
ell, William Phettyplace, Richard Wyfrin, Thomas Abbay, Tho. Hope, 
Richard Potts, and the labours of divers other diligent observers, that 
were residents in Virginia. And perused and confirmed by diverse now 
resident in England that were actors in this busines. By W. S. at Ox- 
ford. Printed by Joseph Barnes, 1612." 

The initials are those of Dr. William Symonds, a distinguished min- 
ister of the Church of England. The compilation was made by Rich- 
ard Potts out of the writings of the colonists, " whose discourses are 
signed by their names," as we learn by a note to the reader signed " T. 
Abbay," who published it, " knowing," as he says, " the writers to be 
honest men, and being witness to part of the transactions." Dr. Symonds, 
after giving the MS. an editorial supervision, sent it to Smith with a note 
in which he says : " Captaine Smith, I returne you the fruit of my labours, 
as Mr. Crashaw requested me, which I bestowed in reading the discourses 
& hearing the relations of such which have walked, & observed the land 
with you. The pains I tooke was great : yet did the nature of the argu- 
ment, and hopes I conceaved of the expedition give me exceeding con- 
tent. I cannot finde there is anything, but what they all affirme, or can- 
not contradict." This tract was very closely followed by Captain Smith 
in his Generall History, except where he enlarged on some of his personal 
adventures, more especially while a captive of the Indians. But in all 
matters concerning which he is now attacked by Mr. Brown he followed 
substantially this tract. The same is true of Rev. Samuel Purchas in 
his account of Virginia in His Pilgrimes. He heads this account as fol- 
lows : 

" The proceedings of the English colony in Virginia, taken faithfully 
out of the writings of Thomas Studley, cape merchant, Anas Todkill, 
Doctor Russell, Nathaniel Powell, William Phetiplace and Richard Pot, 
Richard Wiffin, Tho. Abbay, Tho. Hope; Since enlarged out of the writ- 
ings of Capt. John Smith, principall Agent and Patient in these Virginia 
occurrents, from the beginning of the plantation, 1606, till Ann. 1610, 
somewhat abridged." In the marginal note he says: " I have many writ- 
ten Treatises lying by me, written by Capt. Smith and others, some there, 
some here after their return ; but because these have already seene the 
light and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires, I was loth to wearie 


the reader with others of this time." He also follows the Oxford Tract 
substantially, for the most part literally. 

With such careful compilation from original sources, and such attesta- 
tions of its truth, the history contained in the Oxford Tract has ever been 
regarded of the highest authority. It gives none of the secret proceed- 
ings of the council in Virginia. Nor does Smith in any of his writings, 
till 1624, when he published his Generall History, written, as he states, at 
the instance of the company, but not published till after its charter had 
been taken from it and the company dissolved. It is the history in the 
Oxford Tract which makes a hero of Captain Smith, and describes him as 
having saved the colony from abandonment and destruction. 

Mr. Brown is well aware that as long as the Oxford Tract is accepted 
as authority his attack upon Smith as a colonist must fail. He therefore 
attempts to discredit the authority of the tract. He says that Richard 
Potts, who compiled it, " was clerk to Smith while in Virginia, and their 
interests were probably identical." This may possibly account for a bias in 
Smith's favor, which however would be to the credit of Smith. But it 
does not account for the fact that a number of Smith's companions at- 
tested the truth of the narrative, as appears by their verses printed with his 
history ; nor for the fact that so learned and careful a historian as Sam- 
uel Purchas, with access to its authorities and to many other documents 
touching the period, now lost to the world, attests the accuracy and truth- 
fulness of the Oxford Tract, and of Smith's history based on it. But 
while service under Smith would bias a man in his favor and make him 
unreliable, in Mr. Brown's estimation, he attacks Anas Todkill, another 
writer in the tract, because he had been " a servant to President John 
Martin, and evidently bore Martin malice." And so everything is at- 
tempted to be turned so as to support Mr. Brown's theory. 

Another ground of his attack on the Oxford Tract is, that in it Thomas 
Studley is given as authority for events between September, 1607, and 
January, 1608, while he says Studley died 28th August, 1607. This state- 
ment as to the date of Studley 's death is taken from a narrative of George 
Percy, one of the first colonists, and is found at page 167 of the Genesis. 
When Percy wrote the narrative is not stated, and he may have mistaken 
the year of Studley's death, as he did his name, for he calls him " Stoodie." 
But if the date is correct as written by Percy, the mistake would be in the 
editor of the Oxford Tract and might have well arisen from an oversight 
as to the true author quoted when many were before him. However, Smith 
when relating the same incidents follows the tract in giving Thomas Stud- 
ley as authority, but adds also the names of Robert Fenton, Edward Har- 


rington, and J. S. (John Smith) as authority for the events related before 
the arrival of the first supply, January, 1608 ; and Anas Todkill as author- 
ity for the events subsequent, until 2 June, 1608. And Purchas for the 
same periods cites Thomas Studley and Anas Todkill as his authorities. 
In each case the authorities are given at the end of the period. 

It thus appears that if Studley was dead there were writings of others 
which furnished the basis of the narrative we have. 

In order to justly appreciate the services of Smith in Virginia, we 
must recall the experiences of the colony while he was with it. They are 
briefly as follows: On 19th December, 1606, three vessels left the Thames 
with 105 colonists to effect the settlement. Detained by unfavorable 
weather, they did not reach Chesapeake bay until 26th April, 1607, and 
on 13th May they landed at the spot on James river which they named 
Jamestown, and commenced a settlement. Their government under their 
charter was a council, of which Edward Maria Wingfield was the first 
president, and Bartholomew Gosnold, John Smith, Christopher Newport, 
John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall were the other members. 
Newport, after ascending the river to the falls, returned to England on the 
largest ship, the Susan Constant, on 22d June. The late period of their 
arrival in Virginia prevented the planting of a sufficient crop for the next 
season, and until the fall of 1608 the colony was dependent upon the pro- 
visions brought with them, or brought in by vessels sent to them, and on 
what they could get in the country. The result was they were very soon, 
and more than once afterward, reduced to the greatest straits for food. 
The Indians soon showed themselves hostile and treacherous, and the 
locality chosen for a settlement was unhealthy. 

Great suffering at once commenced ; this engendered dissensions, and 
as a consequence Kendall was put to death, Wingfield was deposed and 
imprisoned, and Ratcliffe elected in his place. Gabriel Archer was sworn 
as one of the council, and attempted to have Smith put to death on a 
charge that he was responsible for the loss of two of his men killed by the 
Indians. In this state of affairs Captain Newport returned 8th January, 
1608, and on 20th April following a ship under Captain Nelson, separated 
from him at sea, also came in. These brought one hundred and two new 
colonists and a good supply of provisions. Among the new arrivals was 
Matthew Scrivener, who was sworn one of the council. Captain New- 
port returned to England 10th April, 1608, carrying with him Wingfield 
and Archer, and when Captain Nelson returned he carried back Martin. 
On 23d July Ratcliffe was deposed from the presidency and Scrivener 
elected in his place, and by his exertions the crop of that year was gath- 


ered but was much injured by rain. On 10th September, 1608, Captain 
Smith was elected president, and about that time Newport returned with 
seventy additional colonists. Upon his return to England the council in 
London concluded that the dissensions in Virginia were the great cause 
of the fact that the colony was not self-supporting; and they applied for 
and obtained a change of charter, by which a governor was to be appointed 
in England. They then sent nine vessels with five hundred colonists 
under Sir Thomas Gates as governor, and Sir George Somers as admiral. 
Among the captains were Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer, who had been 
sent back to England as disturbers of the peace of the colony. A storm 
dispersed this fleet on the voyage, and the first to arrive at Jamestown 
was the Blessing under Captain Archer, in August, 1609, soon to be fol- 
lowed by the Diamond under Captain Ratcliffe. The Sea Venture, having 
on board Gates, Somers, and Newport with the new charter, was a long 
time missing, having been detained at Bermuda for repairs. When Archer 
and Ratcliffe arrived they found Smith president, and he refused to sur- 
render the government until the new charter was produced. But on his 
return in a boat from the falls of the river, in September, he was very 
severely burned, and his flesh badly torn, by the accidental explosion of 
gunpowder, and he thereupon embarked in the ship returning to England 
4th October, 1609. In the meanwhile his enemies got up, and sent to 
England, some very frivolous charges against him, which were never noticed 
by the company so far as we know. George Percy succeeded Smith as 

The Oxford Tract represents Smith as the master spirit during the 
critical period of his stay in-Virginia. He prevented three several attempts 
to abandon the colony ; he explored thoroughly the surrounding country ; 
he procured provisions from the Indians by force when they refused to 
trade ; he subdued the Indians, and by art or force made them subser- 
vient to his will and peaceable toward the settlers ; and he forced the 
colonists to work in building up the town and raising crops of bread- 
stuffs. He left the colony seated at several places on the river and in 
good condition. It had " 3 ships, 7 boates, commodities ready to trade, 
the harvest newly gathered, 10 weekes provision in store, 490 and odde 
persons, 24 pieces of ordinances, 300 muskets snaphanches and firelocks, 
shot-powder and match sufficient ; curats, pikes, swords, and moryons 
more than men ; the salvages their language and habitations well knowne 
to 100 well trained and expert souldiers, nets for fishing, tooles of all sortes 
to worke, apparell to supply our wants, 6 mares and a horse, 5 or 600 
swine, as many hens and chicken, some goates, some sheep." And they 


were at peace with the Indians. When Gates arrived in May, 1610, six 
months afterward, all this had been changed through the lack of Smith's 

This is the sad recital : " Now wee all found the want of Captaine 
Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then curse his losse. Now for 
corne, provision, and contribution from the salvages ; wee had nothing 
but mortal wounds with clubs and arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, goats, 
sheep, horse, or what lived ; our commanders and officers did daily con- 
sume them ; some small proportions (sometimes) we tasted, till all was 
devoured. Then swords, arrowes, pieces, or anything we traded to the 
salvages ; whose bloody fingers were so imbrued in our blood, that what 
by their crueltie, our Governours indiscreation, and the losse of our ships ; 
of 500, within 6 months after there remained not more than 60 most mis- 
erable and poore creatures. It were too vild to say what we endured: but 
the occasion was only our owne, for want of providence, industrie, and 
government." Gates, in despair, took the miserable remnant aboard, and 
abandoning the colony set sail for England. Fortunately Lord Delaware 
met him in the river, having come over with a fresh supply of men and 
ample provisions, and, turning them about, again took possession of the 
deserted settlement and gave the colony a fresh impulse. 

As the truthfulness of the Oxford Tract is doubted by Mr. Brown, it 
will interest the reader to note some of its statements which are corrobo- 
rated by other writers who were not considered friendly to Smith. Wing- 
field, in his defense of his administration, known as A Discourse of Virginia, 
says : " The councillors, Master Smyth especially, traded up and downe 
the river with the Indyans for corne ; which releved the collony well." 
He confesses that he " did also proffer to furnish them with 100 li towards 
the fetching home of the collonye, if the action was given over." He also 
tells us that he was fined " two hundred pounds damages for slaunder " by 
a jury, at the suit of Smith, " for that I had said hee did conceale an in- 
tended mutany." Mr. Brown states the charge against Smith, but fails to 
mention his vindication. The complete subjection of the Indians is shown, 
by their allowing the whites to live among them during the scarcity of 
provisions in the summer of 1609 before the crops matured. This fact is 
stated by Archer in his letter in 1609, in which he says: "The people of 
our colonie were found all in health (for the most part) howbeit when 
Captaine Argall came in, they were in much distresse, for many were dis- 
persed in the Savage Townes, living upon their almes for an ounce of cop- 
per a day." These were the savages who murdered every white man they 
could find as soon as Smith left the colony. In the tract printed by the 


council in London in 1610, entitled " A True & Sincere Declaration," after 
stating why they changed their charter, they say that they had sent over 
the new governor with a fleet and 500 colonists, and also a small ship to 
discover a shorter passage across the ocean than the one they had been 
sailing, which was too far south. They add: " Hitherto, untill the sending 
of this Avisall for experience, and Fleeta for setling the government, ap- 
peares no distaste, nor dispaire ; ,. . . so that whatsoever wound or 
Palsie this noble action hath gotten and the sickness under which it 
seemes to faint, must needs arise out of the successe of these two." 

They then go on to state the dispersion of the fleet by a storm and the 
confusion consequent on some reaching Virginia without the new charter, 
and the dreadful condition to which the colony was reduced afterward. 

Mr. Arber, after reviewing the contemporaneous authorities, has come 
to a conclusion the opposite of Mr. Brown. He says: " To what one 
single cause, under God, can be assigned the preservation of the James 
River Settlement, after the early death of Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold on 
22 August, 1607, but to the fortunate presence of this English captain, so 
self-denying, so energetic, so full of resources, and so trained (by his con- 
flicts and captivity in Eastern Europe) in dealing with the savage races? 
. . . If Smith had died, or left earlier than he did, the James river 
settlement must have succumbed; for manifestly he was the life and 
energy of the whole plantation." 

Mr. Brown claims descent from Simon Codrington. I find among 
Smith's soldiers and friends John Codrington, one of the colonists who 
came with the second supply. I doubt not he was a kinsman, and I com- 
mend to Mr. Brown his testimonial to the truthfulness of Smith's writings. 

He says : 

" That which wee call the subject of all storie, 
Is truth : which in this worke of thine gives glorie 
To all that thou hast done. Then scorne the spight 
Of Envie ; which doth no mans merits right. 
My sworde may helpe the rest : my pen no more 
Can doe, but this ; I 'ave said enough before." 

Richmond, Virginia. 



I have had in my possession for over half a century a bound volume of 
pamphlets, some dating as far back as 1790, containing a history of the 
battle of Breed's Hill by Major-Generals William Heath, Henry Lee, 
James Wilkinson, and Henry Dearborn, " Compiled by Charles Coffin. 
Portland: D. C. Colesworthy, Printer, 1835." 

Reading the more partisan of these old publications, one cannot avoid 
the impression that there was quite as much personal abuse and vitupera- 
tion between the federal and republican (or democratic) parties in those 
early times as we see between the two dominant political parties of the 
present day. The federalists called the republicans jacobins, anarchists, 
and the allies of France ; and, in turn, the republicans denounced the 
federalists as tories and the apologists of Great Britain, then at war 
with France. Washington, Hamilton, Jay, and other prominent leaders 
on one side, and Jefferson, Madison, and their immediate supporters on 
the other, came in for a liberal share of epithets and abuse. 

In opening this antique volume we find "An address delivered before 
the Massachusetts Charitable Mechanics' Association at the celebration of 
the ninth triennial festival, October 10, 1833, by Nathaniel Greene," fol- 
lowed with a hymn written for the occasion by Mrs. L. H. Sigourney. 
Thus the compiler of the volume evidently counted from his time back- 
ward. We next observe the " Proceedings of the National Republican 
Convention of Young Men," which assembled in the city of Washington 
on the 7th of May, 1832, and passed resolutions "cordially concurring" 
in the nomination of Henry Clay for President, and of John Sergeant 
for Vice-President of the United States, nominations made by the Na- 
tional Republican Convention at Baltimore, December 12, 183 1. On 
invitation Mr. Clay entered the hall and addressed the convention, com- 
posed of over three hundred young men, in a patriotic speech, saying : 
4< Should I be called by the people of the United States to the adminis- 
tration of their executive government, it shall be my earnest endeavor 
to fulfill their expectations, to maintain with firmness and dignity their 
interests and honor abroad, to eradicate every abuse and corruption at 
home, and to uphold with vigor and equality and justice the supremacy 


of the Constitution and the laws." The members of this convention 
visited the tomb of Washington at Mount Vernon, where they received a 
cordial welcome from John A. Washington ; and a committee of sixteen, 
Brantz Mayer of Maryland, chairman, called upon and presented an ad- 
dress to the venerable Charles Carroll of Carrollton, "who declared him- 
self highly gratified by this expression of the feelings of the young men 
of the United States, and hoped that they might enjoy uninterruptedly 
through life, and transmit unimpaired to posterity, the noble institutions 
of this happy land." 

This pamphlet is followed by " An address before the Workingmen's 
Society of Dedham, Massachusetts, delivered on the evening of Septem- 
ber 7, 183 1, by Samuel Whitcomb, Jr.; published by request of the 
Society." Next is " An oration delivered at Minot, Maine, on 4th of 
July, 18 14, by William Ladd, Esq.," strongly denunciatory of the admin- 
istration of Madison and the republican or democratic party. On the 5th 
of July, 1813, was delivered at Brookfield, Massachusetts, an intensely 
bitter federal poem by Charles Prentiss, whose brother John Prentiss 
was so long the distinguished editor of the Keene Sentinel, New Hampshire. 
The following are its closing lines: 

" Union is dear : Reserve the blessing ever — 
Union is clear : Oh may we ne'er dissever — 
But, if by Union we must bondmen be, 
Let the cord snap — NEW ENGLAND shall be free." 

Under date of 181 1 is published " the Report of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, on the subject of a national bank, read in 
the house of representatives, December 15, 1790." It bears date the 
13th of that month. On the 16th of February, 1808, Timothy Pickering, 
a senator of the United States from Massachusetts, addressed an open 
letter to Governor James Sullivan, " exhibiting to his constituents a view 
of the imminent danger of an unnecessary and ruinous war ; " and in the 
following month of December we have from him, also, a long speech in 
the senate on the embargo laws, and a reply to the same by Senator 
William Giles. 

In turning the leaves we presently come to one of the most interesting 
pamphlets in the collection, and perhaps the only one of the kind extant, 
entitled " An Anniversary Address delivered before the Federal Gentle- 
men of Concord and vicinity, July 4, 1806, by Daniel Webster. From 
the Press of George Hough, Concord, New Hampshire, 1806." It con- 
sists of twenty pages, on one of which is the correction, doubtless made 
by the author, of a word in ink. I have looked for this oration among 


Webster's speeches, where it would not be out of place, but could not 
find any reference to it. I quote from it these concluding sentences: "A 
genuine patriot, above the reach of personal considerations, with his eye 
and his heart on the honor and happiness of his country, is a character as 
easy and satisfactory to himself, as venerable in the eyes of the world. 
While his country enjoys freedom and peace, he will rejoice and be thank- 
ful ; and if it be in the counsel of Heaven to send the storm and the tem- 
pest, he meets the tumult of the political elements with composure and 
dignity. Above fear, above danger, above reproach, he feels that the last 
end which can happen to any man never comes too soon, if he fall in 
defense of the law and liberty of his country." 

On the 4th of July, 1805, a statesmanlike oration was "pronounced at 
Paris, Oxford county, Maine, in commemoration of American independ- 
ence, by Nathaniel Howe. " From the Argus Press, Portland, N. Willis, 
Jr. [father of N. P. Willis], 1805." Merely mentioning two political 
addresses "To the People of Massachusetts," in 1805, and a stirring bro- 
chure of ten discolored pages, entitled u A word to all true Americans, and 
to those who love the memory of Washington," we pass to an elaborate 
document of one hundred and fifty-six pages, the first two leaves of which, 
including its title, are unfortunately missing. It was evidently published 
in the first term of Madison's administration, and is a comparative review 
of the administrations of Washington, the elder Adams, Jefferson, and 
Madison. Two sentences will serve to indicate its general characteristics. 
Says the author, " We shall say nothing of the private or personal, of the 
moral or religious character of these respective chiefs ; " adding in the 
next paragraph on the same page : " Our religious friends will excuse us, 
therefore, if we do not make a contrast between the moral and religious 
qualities of Washington and those of the patron, the publick, open, and 
profligate patron, of Thomas Paine." 

One very rare pamphlet is dated 1804, and contains " The speeches at 
full length of Mr. Van Ness, Mr. Caines the attorney-general, Mr. Harri- 
son, and General Hamilton, in the great cause of the people against Harry 
Croswell, on an ' Indictment for a libel on Thomas Jefferson, President 
of the United States.' New York: Printed by G. & R. Waite, No. 64, 
Maiden-Lane, 1804. [Copyright secured.]" Another pamphlet of inter- 
est of an earlier date is "An oration, pronounced at Biddeford on the 
anniversary of American Independence, 1798. At the request of the 
gentlemen of that and the adjoining town of Pepperellboro' ; by whose 
desire this hasty production is submitted to the public, by Cyrus King. 
Printed by E. A. Jenks, Portland." 


Near the end of the volume is a pamphlet containing several ably 
written federal communications of " Manlius," addressed to the editor, 
Mr. Russell, and published in the Columbian Centinel, dated respectively 
September 3, 6, 10, 13, 17, and 24, 1794. These writings concern Jay's 
treaty " with Lord Granville in 1794, and the appearance on the scene 
of that aggressive French minister, Genet, afterward dismissed by Wash- 
ington. Several of the articles of Jay's Treaty, especially the one which 
declared that a free ship did not make free cargo, elicited furious de- 
nunciation " from the republicans, who " accused Jay of having betrayed 
his country." In a public notice at Richmond it was declared "that in 
case the treaty entered into by that arch traitor John Jay with the Brit- 
ish tyrant should be ratified," a move would be made to take Virginia out 
of the Union. In a note to one of his letters, above referred to, " Man- 
lius " quotes an article from the New York Journal, or Patriotic Register, 
of August 2, 1794, giving particulars of the burning of Judge Jay in effigy. 
After language of severe condemnation the writer goes on to say: "A 
number of respectable citizens of this place and its vicinity, on Saturday 
last, ordered a likeness of this evil genius of western America to be made, 
which was soon well executed. At the appointed hour he was ushered forth 
from a barber's shop, amidst the shouts of the people, dressed in a courtly 
manner and placed erect on the platform of the pillory. In his right hand 
he held uplifted, a rod of iron ; in his left he held extended, Swift's last 
speech in Congress on the subject of British depredation, on one side of 
which was written, 'Nettie repente fuit turpissimus. Juv. Sat. 2 v. 33. No 
man e'er reached the height of vice at first.' And on the other, ' Non de- 
ficit alter. Virg. j£n. 6. A second is not wanting.' About his neck was 
suspended by a hempen string, 'Adams' defence of the American Constitu- 
tions ; ' on the cover of which was written, ' Scribere jussit aurum. Ov. 
Ep. God bade me write.' After exhibiting him in this condition for 
some time, he was ordered to be guillotined, which was soon dexterously 
executed, and a flame instantly applied to him, which finding its way to 
a quantity of powder, which was lodged in his body, produced such an 
explosion that after it there was scarcely to be found a particle of the 
disjecti membra Plenipo." Apropos of Jay's treaty, Mr. Jefferson in his 
Ana, under date of August 24, 1779, remarks: "About the time of the 
British treaty Hamilton and Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, dined together, 
and Hamilton drank freely. Conversing on the treaty Talleyrand says: 
' Mais vraiment, Monsieur Hamilton, ce n'est pas bien honnete, after mak- 
ing the senate ratify the treaty, to advise the President to reject it.' ' The 
treaty,' says Hamilton, ' is an execrable one, and Jay was an old woman 

Vol. XXV.-No. 4.-22 


for making it ; but the whole credit of saving us from it must be given to 
the President.' " 

Before being sent to negotiate said treaty Mr. Jay had held many high 
offices, including that of chief-justice of the supreme court of the United 
States ; and two days only prior to his return from England, May 28, 1795, 
he had been triumphantly elected governor of New York, to which office 
he was reelected in April, 1798. With the close of this second term of 
office in 1801 he closed his public career; ever afterward, although not 
yet fifty-six years old, he refused all offers of office. On his death, May 
17, 1829, in his eighty-fourth year, Daniel Webster pronounced on him 
this eulogium : " When the spotless ermine of the judicial robe fell on John 
Jay, it touched nothing less spotless than itself." 

Tom Paine in a newspaper letter to Washington declared that his 
(Washington's) administration had" been deceitful if not even perfidious," 
and that he was " treacherous in private friendship, and a hypocrite in 
private life." Duane, editor of the Aurora, Philadelphia, whom the 
federalists, apparently with good reason, characterized " this vagabond 
foreigner," was equally abusive of Washington while in office, and on his 
retiring to private life had the effrontery to declare that he was " the man 
who is the source of the misfortunes of our country," and that " every 
heart ought to beat high with exultation that the name of Washington 
from this day ceases to give currency to political iniquity and to legalize 

Two other newspaper writers, hardly less abusive at that time, were 
James T. Callender and Philip Freneau, neither of whom spared Wash- 
ington. The former, a man whom Jefferson was accused of having paid 
for writing against the federal party, turned his arrows later on Jefferson 
himself while President, for refusing to appoint him postmaster of Rich- 
mond, Virginia. When Jefferson was secretary of state he had employed 
Freneau as translator in his department ; at the same time, as editor 
of a republican paper, he was traducing the President and his adminis- 
tration, charging him, Hamilton, and other prominent leading federalists 
with a disposition toward the establishment of a monarchical government, 
etc. In his Ana, under date of May 23, 1793, in a conversation with 
Washington in reference to the charge that he (Washington) was in favor 
of establishing a monarchy, Mr. Jefferson quotes him as saying: "If any- 
body wanted to change its [the government's] form into a monarchy, he 
was sure it was only a few individuals, and that no man in the United 
States would set his face against it more than himself, but that this was 
not what he was afraid of ; his fears were from another quarter — that there 


was more danger of anarchy being introduced. He adverted to a piece in 
Freneau's paper of yesterday; he said he despised all their attacks on 
him personally, but that there never had been an act of the government, 
not meaning in the executive line only but in any line, which the paper 
had not abused. He was evidently sore and warm, and I took his inten- 
tion to be that I should interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps 
withdraw his appointment of translating clerk to my office. But I will 
not do it. His paper has saved our Constitution, which was galloping fast 
into monarchy, and had been checked by no one man so powerfully as by 
that paper. It is well and universally known that it has been that paper 
which has checked the career of the monarchists, and the President, not 
sensible of the designs of the party, has not with his usual good sense and 
sangfroid looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen 
that, though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet 
the good have preponderated immensely." 

Jefferson has been severely censured for failing sometimes to render 
that support to Washington justly his due as chief magistrate, and espe- 
cially for insisting on withdrawing from his cabinet at a critical period, 
December 31, 1793. It is almost painful to read the passionate appeals 
of Washington for him to continue in charge of the department of state, 
seeing they were all in vain. It cannot be said, however, that Jefferson, 
who differed widely from Hamilton in some things, was not generally loyal 
to his chief. In the matter of dealing with Genet, if there had been dif- 
ferences in the beginning, all the cabinet were united in his final recall, in 
spite of the countenance he received from the more extreme element 
of the republican party. When this subject came up in cabinet session, 
August 2, 1793, the question being whether the President should present 
it in an appeal to the public, Mr. Jefferson in his Ana relates a start- 
ling incident which then took place, showing how Washington, probably 
the only time in his life, gave full utterance to his feelings in regard 
to the abuse heaped upon him and his administration by the opposi- 
tion. He says: " The President manifestly inclined to an appeal to the 
people. Knox, in a foolish, incoherent sort of a speech, introduced the 

pasquanade lately printed, called the funeral of George W n and James 

W n,* king and judge, etc., when the President was placed on a guillo- 
tine. The President was much inflamed ; got into one of those passions 
when he cannot command himself ; ran on much on the personal abuse 
which had been bestowed on him ; defied any man on earth to produce 
one single act of his since he had been in the government, which was not 
* Supposed to mean Justice Wilson of the supreme court. — H. K. 


done on the purest motives ; that he had never repented but once the 
having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every 
moment since ; that ... he had rather be in his grave than in his present 
situation ; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor of tke 
world, and yet that they were charging him with wanting to be a king; 
that that rascal Freneau sent him three of his papers every day, as if he 
thought he would become the distributor of his papers ; that he could see 
in this nothing but an impudent design to insult him. He ended in this 
high tone." 

When I began this article I intended to give a full account of the cel- 
ebrated trial of Harry Croswell for a libel on President Jefferson. But two 
reasons intervene to prevent: one is, the want of space; and the other 
and the more important, that diligent search in the congressional and law 
libraries at Washington, and inquiry of the clerk of courts of Columbia 
county, New York, where Croswell was tried and convicted but appealed, 
also of the clerk of the court of appeals at Albany, has failed to inform 
me whether a new trial, which was awarded him at the August (1805) term 
of court, ever took place. Can any one tell, and if there was such new 
trial, what was the result of it ? I should not be surprised to find that 
Croswell was released from further prosecution by President Jefferson, 
since immediately on coming into office " he discharged all those suffering 
persecution for opinion's sake under the sedition law," which he said he 
" considered to be a nullity, as absolute and as palpable as if congress had 
ordered us to fall down and worship the golden image." It is known, 
also, as charged by one of his political adversaries in Massachusetts at 
that time, that he " liberated a wretch who was suffering for a libel against 
Mr. Adams." 

Harry Croswell was the editor of a federal newspaper entitled The 
Wasp, published in Hudson, New York. The matter charged in the in- 
dictment as the libel w r as contained in an article of which Callender was 
the reputed author, and was in the following words : " Holt says the bur- 
den of the federal song is, that Mr. Jefferson paid Callender for writing 
against the late administration. This is wholly false. The charge is ex- 
plicitly this : Jefferson paid Callender for calling Washington a traitor, a 
robber, and a perjurer; for calling Adams a hoary-headed incendiary; 
and for most grossly slandering the private character of men who he well 
knew were virtuous. . . . These charges not a democratic editor has 
yet dared or ever will dare to meet in an open and manly discussion." 

The defendant, as already stated, was convicted, and a new trial was 
asked "on the ground of a misdirection of the judge" (Chief-Justice 


Lewis) in his charge to the jury. The case came up in the supreme court 
of New York, Judge Kent on the bench, at the May term, 1804. It was 
argued at great length by Van Ness, Harrison, and Alexander Hamilton 
for the defendant, and by the attorney-general (Spencer) and Caines on 
the part of the people. The question was, " Can the defendant give the 
truth in evidence, and are the jury to decide both on the law and the 
fact? " Innumerable decisions, nearly all English, were cited, pro and con, 
not omitting the old rule, " the greater the truth the greater the libel." 
Mr. Van Ness cites this singular precedent: "At the time the pretender 
landed in Scotland, a man in London reported ' that the king had cold.' 
Every report at this time of this description might be injurious to the 
royal cause. It was of infinite importance to the nation that the king 
should be in a situation to put himself at the head of his army and to 
support the drooping spirits of his adherents. This man was prosecuted 
for his imprudence, convicted and punished. 

The defendant was convicted, Kent, Justice, at the last circuit 
court, in Columbia county, of printing and publishing a scandalous and 
seditious libel upon Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States." 
And a motion was made at the last term for a new trial on the ground of 
a misdirection of the judge. The motion was principally founded upon 
the two following objections : " 1. The chief-justice charged the jury that 
it was not their province to inquire or decide on the intent of the defend- 
ant or whether the publication was libellous or not ; that those were 
questions of law to be decided exclusively by the court, upon the return 
of the postea ; and that the only points for their consideration were, first, 
whether the defendant published the paper stated in the indictment ; and, 
secondly, whether the innuendoes were true ; and that if they were satisfied 
of these two points, it was their duty to find the defendant guilty. 
2. That he denied to the defendant the opportunity of producing testi- 
mony to prove the truth of the libel, on the ground that the defendant 
could not be permitted to give in evidence to the jury the truth of the 
charges contained in the libel." 

Chancellor Kent went into a long and learned discussion of the case, 
and closed by saying : " I am constrained to declare, I think the defend- 
ant not entitled to a new trial on either of the grounds on which his 
motion is rested." It was not until after the act of the New York legis- 
lature of April 6, 1805, that, as previously stated, a new trial was granted, 
" no motion having been made for judgment on the verdict." Said act 
declares : '• That in every prosecution for writing or publishing any libel, 
it shall be lawful for the defendant, upon the trial of the cause, to give 


in evidence in his defense the truth of the matter contained in the publi- 
cation, charged as libellous : Provided always, that such evidence shall not 
be a justification, unless on the trial it shall be further made satisfactorily 
to appear that the matter charged as libellous was published with good 
motives and for justifiable ends." Chancellor Kent in his notes, referring 
to Hamilton's argument at this remarkable trial, says it " was the greatest 
forensic effort Hamilton ever made. He was at times highly impassioned 
and patriotic. His whole soul was enlisted in the cause." 

On a fly-leaf of a pamphlet similar to mine, shown me by Mr. Spofford 
at the congressional library, a writer signing himself " C. H.," who evi- 
dently listened to Hamilton's argument, wrote that " Caines the reporter 
dropped his pen and sat with his faculties suspended in blank (still) admira- 
tion at a great part of Hamilton's speech, which was confessedly one of 
the best ever delivered." 

Harry Croswell was born at West Hartford, Connecticut, June 16, 
1778. Subsequent to his connection with the Wasp, in 1809 he edited a 
federal newspaper in Albany, where he was prosecuted for a libel on Mr. 
Southwick, a leading democratic editor, who recovered damages. He 
finally quit publishing if not politics, and was ordained a deacon in Christ 
church, May 8, 1814, at Hudson, where he remained in charge until June, 
181 5, when he became rector of Trinity church, New Haven. He died, 
March 13, 1858. Edwin Croswell of the Albany Argus was his nephew 7 . 

In his Life of Jefferson Randall speaks of Callender, a Scotchman 
by birth, as possessed of much coarse, vigorous ability, but says his course 
was steadily downward, owing to habits of inebriety, consorting with 
vicious and degraded men. He was drowned in James river, into which 
he had gone to bathe in a state of intoxication. Probably no one of our 
Presidents has been more violently assailed by his enemies than Thomas 
Jefferson, and James Thompson Callender was one who, after exhausting his 
vituperation against the administrations of Washington and Adams, em- 
ployed the remnant of his worthless life in abusing the President who had 
come to his relief when, as the President thought, he was suffering unjust 
punishment under the sedition act. 

jfyzrr&^w c?t£* 

Washington, February 9, 1891. 



The proceedings in the federal convention relating to the insertion in 
the Constitution of a clause giving power to congress to grant patents for 
inventions maybe briefly told. On May 29, 1787, Edmund Randolph of 
Virginia opened the business of the convention by submitting a series 
of resolutions known as the " Virginia Plan ; " then Charles C. Pinckney 
of South Carolina laid before it the draft of a federal government which 
he had prepared. There was no mention in either of these schemes of any 
power to grant patents. They were referred to a committee, and the 
committee subsequently reported in favor of Mr. Randolph's plan ; which, 
however, had been amended in the committee of the whole house. Still 
no reference to such a power was made. Discussion of the " Virginia 
Plan " was postponed until Mr. Patterson of New Jersey could submit a 
plan. Both of these plans were referred to the committee of the whole, 
which reported again in favor of Mr. Randolph's plan as the basis of the 
Constitution. After debating the report for over a month, all the pro- 
ceedings of the convention up to that time were referred to a committee 
of detail appointed for the purpose. Thirteen days later the committee 
made a report, but still there was no provision for granting patents. These 
details of the proceedings of the convention are only given to show that 
practically the Constitution had been agreed upon before it occurred to 
any member to suggest the power of granting patents. August 18, nearly 
three months after the convention had been in session, James Madison of 
Virginia arose in his place and " submitted, in order to be referred to the 
committee of detail, certain powers as proper to be added to those of 
the general legislature." Among these powers were two: "To secure to 
literary authors their copyrights for a limited time," and " to encourage 
by premiums and provisions the advancement of useful knowledge and 
discoveries." On the same day Charles Pinckney of South Carolina also 
submitted a number of propositions, among which were : " To grant pat- 
ents for useful inventions, and " to secure to authors exclusive rights for a 
certain time." 

The propositions of both these gentlemen were referred to the com- 
mittee. On August 31 such parts of the Constitution as had not been 


acted on were referred to a committee composed of one member from each 
state, and among these undisposed parts were the propositions to give 
congress the power to grant patents for inventions. Mr. Madison, but 
not Mr. Pinckney, was of this committee. On September 5 the committee 
reported and recommended, among other things, that congress have the 
power " to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for 
limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respect- 
ive writings and discoveries." This was agreed to without a dissenting 
vote. In the final revision of the style and arrangement of the articles in 
the Constitution this clause became paragraph 8, section 8, of article I., 
where it has ever since remained. 

Thus it is seen that the distinction of submitting the proposals to give 
this power to congress rests jointly with James Madison and Charles 
Pinckney. Both of them were revolutionary patriots of marked ability 
and wide legislative experience, but neither appears to have had any spe- 
cial interest in science or the useful arts. They doubtless were prompted 
to this action by the same motives advanced by Mr. Madison in a paper 
in the Federalist in adverting to this power. He wrote as follows : " The 
utility of this power will scarcely be questioned. The copyright of au- 
thors has been solemnly adjudged in Great Britain to be a right at com- 
mon law. The right to useful inventions seems with equal reason to 
belong to the inventors. The public good fully coincides in both cases 
with the claims of individuals. The states cannot separately make effect- 
ual provision for either of the cases, and most of them have anticipated 
the decision of this point by laws passed at the instance of congress." 

Time has justified the equity of Mr. Madison's argument, and the 
neglect and failure of the states to grant patents for inventions since 
the adoption of the Constitution have corroborated its truth. 

Washington, District of Columbia. 


One morning during the late civil war President Lincoln received some 
visitors by appointment at an early hour. A prominent senator ushered 
into his chamber four Englishmen of mature years and dignified bearing, 
one of whom was Professor Goldwin Smith. Mr. Lincoln greeted them 
cordially, and opened the conversation with an inquiry as to the health of 
John Bright, whom he said he regarded as the friend of our country, and 
of freedom everywhere. Presently the magnitude of recent battles was 
under discussion, and Professor Smith inquired if the enormous losses of 
men would not impair the industrial resources of the country and seri- 
ously affect its revenues, reciting at the same time the number of killed, 
wounded, and missing reported after one of the great engagements, then 
of recent date. 

Mr. Lincoln replied that in settling such matters we must resort to 
" darky arithmetic." " ' To darky arithmetic ! ' " exclaimed the dignified 
representative of the learning and higher thought of Great Britain, " I did 
not know, Mr. President, that you have two systems of arithmetic ? " " Oh, 
yes!" said Mr. Lincoln; " I will illustrate that point by a little story. 
Two young contrabands were seated together when one said, ' Jim, do you 
know 'rithmetic?' Jim answered, 'No; what is 'rithmetic?' ' Well,' said 
the other, ' it is when you adds up things. When you have one and one, 
and you puts them together, they makes two. And when you substracts, 
if you have two things and you takes one away, only one remains.' 

'Is dat 'rithmetic?' asked Jim. 'Yes.' ' Well, 'tain't true den; it's 
no good.' Here a dispute arose, when Jim said, 'Now you s'pose three 
pigeons sit on dat fence, and somebody shoot one of dem ; do t'other two 
stay dar? I guess not, dey fly away quicker 'n odder feller falls; ' — and, 
Professor, trifling as the story seems, it illustrates the arithmetic you must 
use in estimating the actual losses resulting from our great battles. The 
statements you refer to give those missing at the first roll-call after the 
contest, which always exhibits a greatly exaggerated total, especially in 
the column of the missing." Mr. William D. Kelley who relates this 
incident says that after leaving the President, Goldwin Smith and his 
party of friends sat beside him (Mr. Kelley) at the dinner-table, and he 
heard one of the gentlemen inquire : " Professor, can you give me the 
impression President Lincoln made upon you?" 


"Yes," was the reply; " it was a very agreeable one. Such a man is 
quite unknown to our official circles, or to those of continental nations. 
Indeed, I think his place in history will be unique. He has not been 
trained to diplomacy or administrative affairs, and is in all respects one of 
the people. But how wonderfully he is endowed and equipped for the 
performance of the duties of the chief executive officer of the United 
States at this time ! The precision and minuteness of his information on 
all questions to which we referred was a succession of surprises to me." 

The Hon. A. H. Markland once said: "It has been thought that Mr. 
Lincoln was controlled by his cabinet ministers. My observation was 
quite to the contrary. He was the master-spirit of his administration, 
and by unsurpassed tact he kept his ministers in harmony with each 
other. As President he was controlled only by law and the equities. He 
always had the courage to do the proper thing at the proper time." At 
one period there was some official jealousy between Postmaster-General 
Blair and Secretary Stanton. Markland had been sent to the latter for 
certain orders relating to the postal service within the lines of the army, 
and Stanton declined to issue them " to accommodate Mr. Blair," who 
proceeded to write a letter to the President, calling his attention to the 
situation. Markland was the messenger to bear the communication, and 
he tells us: "When I delivered the letter, Mr. Lincoln read it carefully 
and handed it back to me, saying, ' What is the matter between Blair and 
Stanton ? ' I told him all I knew in reference to the proposed orders. He 
then said : ' If I understand the case, General Grant wants the orders 
issued, and Blair wants them issued, and you want them issued, and Stan- 
ton won't issue them. Now don't you see what kind of a fix I will be in 
if I interfere? I'll tell you what to do: if you and General Grant under- 
stand one another, suppose you try to get along without the orders, and 
if Blair or Stanton makes a fuss I may be called in as a referee, and I may 
decide in your favor. 

The orders were never issued, and pleasant relations were maintained 
all round." 

Colonel Markland, who had the best of opportunities for critical obser- 
vation, writes: " President Lincoln's sympathies were with the people and 
for the people, and his only ambition was that the Union might be pre- 
served. It is a singular fact that all men who came in official or social 
relations with Abraham Lincoln while he was President were impressed 
with his unselfish patriotism and unyielding integrity." 



Some eighty years ago the now flourishing town of Easton, on the Delaware, 
was but a small settlement in one of the remote and comparatively wild portions 
of Pennsylvania. At the present day the compactly built town fills the space 
between the mountains and the rivers that have formed a junction, while their 
banks are lined with busy manufactories and the dwellings of men. The lofty hills 
that rise abruptly from the plain or overhang the waters are cultivated in spots, 
and the patches of woodland here and there seemed spared for the purpose of 
adorning the landscape and affording secluded walks to the wanderers who love 
the beauty of nature. At the period to which our tale carries us back, the scenery 
of this beautiful region was not less enchanting, though far more wild and savage. 
A dense forest then covered the mountains to their rocky summits, and bordered 
the rivers for many miles ; the valley, through which flows a sweet stream to 
mingle with the Delaware, was dark with the shadow of primeval woods ; and the 
waters, untroubled by the different manufactories for the uses of which their 
streams have since been diverted, swept in calm majesty along their time-worn 
channel, scarcely knowing the difference of seasons. Not far from the Delaware, 
a double row of low-roofed, quaint-looking stone houses formed the most populous 
part of the settlement. Other dwellings, scattered about in different directions, 
were built in the same style, and evidently inhabited by the same sturdy and prim- 
itive Dutch population. Many of these houses are still standing, and give a char- 
acter to the appearance of the whole place. It has been often remarked how 
unchangingly, from one generation to another, the habits of the Dutch people are 
preserved by their descendants, giving a monotony to their life and manners, while 
their more mutable neighbors are yielding themselves, day by day, to the law of 
progress. This inveterate attachment to the old order of things, and aversion to 
innovations, peculiar to their nation, kept the ancient inhabitants of Easton in the 
same condition with their forefathers, notwithstanding the improvements intro- 
duced from European cities into other parts of the colony. Philadelphia, though 
at that time but a village in comparison to what it is now, was looked upon as a 
place of luxury and corruption dangerous to the morals of youth. Few of the 
families composing the settlement at Easton had ever been there, or had visited 

* This story, reprinted from Rev. Dr. Condit's History of Easton, was written by Mrs. E. F. 
Ellet, for more than a quarter of a century after 1840 one of the famous writers of the day, who 
died in 1877. Dr. Condit vouches for the truth of the narrative, and points to the site of the 
house where the victim lived, and the pond where she lost her life. 


any other of the provincial cities. They sought no intercourse with the world's 
great Babel, content with the information that reached them regularly once a week 
with the newspapers brought by the post-boy, which were loaned to the neighbors 
in turn by the few who received them. Now and then, it is true, when the business 
of the day was over, a number of men might be seen seated in the large sitting- 
room of the old stone tavern, or on the veranda, wearing their low-crowned, 
broad-brimmed hats, smoking their pipes, and discussing events of which the 
rumor had reached them, when these were more stirring than common. But such 
discussions were always conducted quietly, and without the exhibition of any feel- 
ing of partisanship. They were terminated at a very early hour, all thought of 
political matters being usually dismissed with the last puff of their pipes, as the 
worthy mynheers took their way homeward. 

As little did the love of change prevail among the good fraus of that day. 
They were of the class described by a distinguished chronicler, who " stayed at 
home, read the Bible, and wore frocks." They wore the same antiquated quilted 
caps and parti-colored homespun gowns that were in fashion in the days of the 
renowned Wouter Van Twiller ; their pockets were always filled with work and the 
implements of industry, and their own gowns and their husbands' coats were ex- 
clusively of domestic manufacture. In cleanliness and thrifty housewifery they 
were excelled by none who had gone before or who came after them. The well- 
scoured stoops and entries, fresh and immaculate every morning, attested the neat- 
ness prevailing throughout the dwellings. The precise order that reigned within, 
in the departments of kitchen, parlor, and chamber, could not be disturbed by any 
out-of-door commotion. Cleanliness and contentment were the cares of the house-, 
hold. The tables were spread with the abundance of the good old time, and not 
small was the pride of those ministering dames in setting forth the viands prepared 
by their own industrious hands. It must not be supposed that all their care and 
frugality were inconsistent with the dear exercise of hospitality, or other social 
virtues usually practised in every female community. If the visits paid from house 
to house were less frequent than in modern times, there was the same generous 
interest in the concerns of others, and the same desire in each to save her neighbor 
trouble by kindly taking the management of affairs upon herself, evinced by so 
many individuals of the present day. In short, the domestic police of Easton, at 
that remote period, was apparently as remarkable for vigilance and severity in 
hunting out offenders as it has proved to be in times of more modern civilization. 

The arrival of new residents from the city was an event of importance enough 
in itself to cause no small stir in that quiet community. The rumor that a small 
house, picturesquely situated at the edge of a wood some distance from the village, 
was being fitted up for the new comers, was soon spread abroad and gave rise to 
many conjectures and surmises. The new furniture that paraded in wagons before 
the astonished eyes of the settlers was different from any that had been seen 
before ; and, though it would have been thought simple enough, or even rude, at 


the present day, exhibited too much of metropolitan taste and luxury to meet their 
approval. Then a gardener was employed several days to set in order the sur- 
rounding plot of ground and set out rose-bushes and ornamental plants ; the fence 
was painted gayly, and the inclosure secured by a neat gate. A few days after, a 
light traveling wagon brought the tenants to the abode prepared for them. Within 
the memory of a generation hardly any occurrence had taken place which excited 
so much curiosity. The doors and windows were crowded with gazers, and the 
younger part of the population were hardly restrained by parental authority from 
rushing after the equipage. The woman, who sat with a boy on the back seat, 
wore a thick veil ; but the pleasant face of a middle-aged man, who looked about 
him, and bowed courteously to the different groups, attracted much attention. 
The man who drove had a jolly English face, betokening a very communicative 
disposition ; nor was the promise broken to the hope, for that very evening the 
same personage was seated among a few grave-looking Dutchmen who lingered at 
the tavern, dealing out his information liberally to such as chose to question him. 
The new comer, it appeared, was a member of the colonial assembly, and had 
brought his family to rusticate for a season on the banks of the Delaware. This 
family consisted of his English wife and a son about seven years old. They had 
been accustomed, he said, to the society of the rich and gay, both in Philadelphia 
and in Europe, having spent some time in Paris before their coming to this country. 

The information given by the loquacious driver, who seemed to think the vil- 
lage not a little honored in so distinguished an accession to its inhabitants, pro- 
duced no favorable impression. The honest mynheers, however, were little inclined 
to be hasty in their judgment. They preferred consulting their wives, who waited 
with no little patience for the Sabbath morning, expecting them to have a full 
opportunity of criticising their new neighbors. 

They were doomed to disappointment ; none of the family was at the place of 
meeting, although the practice of church-going was one so time-honored that a 
journey of ten miles on foot to attend religious service was thought nothing of, 
and few, even of the most worldly-minded, ventured on an omission. The non- 
appearance of the strangers was a dark omen. The next day, however, the dames of 
the settlement had an opportunity of seeing Mrs. Winton — for so I shall call her, 
not choosing to give her real name — as she came out to purchase a few articles of 
kitchen furniture. Her style of dress was altogether different from theirs. Instead 
of the hair pomatumed back from the forehead, she wore it in natural ringlets ; 
instead of the short petticoats in vogue among the Dutch dames, a long and flow- 
ing skirt set off to advantage a figure of remarkable grace. At the first glance 
one could not but acknowledge her singular beauty. Her form was faultless in 
symmetry, and her features exquisitely regular ; the complexion being of a clear 
brown, set off by luxuriant black hair and a pair of brilliant dark eyes. The ex- 
pression of these was not devoid of a certain fascination, though it had something 
to excite distrust in the simple-minded fair ones who measured the claims of the 


stranger to admiration. They could not help thinking there was a want of innate 
modesty in the bold, restless wanderings of such eyes, bright as they were, and in 
the perfect self-possession the English woman showed in her somewhat haughty 
carriage. Her voice, too, though melodious, was not low in its tones, and her 
laugh was merry and frequently heard. In short, she appeared to the untutored 
judgment of the dames of the village decidedly wanting in reserve and the soft- 
ness natural to youth in woman. While they shook their heads and were shy of 
conversation with her, it was not a little wonderful to notice the different effect 
produced on their spouses. The honest Dutchman surveyed the handsome stranger 
with undisguised admiration, evinced at first by a prolonged stare, and on after 
occasions by such rough courtesy as they found opportunity of showing with alac- 
rity, offering to her any little service that neighbors might render. The women, 
on the other hand, became more and more suspicious of her outlandish gear and 
her bewitching smiles, lavished with such profusion upon all who came near her. 
Her charms, in their eyes, were so many sins, which they were inclined to see her 
expiate before they relented so far as to extend toward her the civilities of the 
neighborhood. The more their husbands praised her, the more they stood aloof ; 
and for weeks after the family had become settled scarcely any communication of 
a friendly nature had taken place between her and any of the female population. 

Little, however, did the English woman appear to care for neglect on the part 
of those she evidently thought much inferior to herself. She had plenty of com- 
pany, such as suited her taste, and no lack of agreeable employment, notwithstand- 
ing her persistence in a habit which shocked still more the prejudices of her worthy 
neighbors — of leaving her household labor to a servant. She made acquaintance 
with all who relished her lively conversation, and took much pleasure in exciting 
by her eccentric manners the astonishment of her long-queued admirers. She was 
always affable, and not only invited those she liked to visit her without ceremony, 
but called upon them for any extra service she required. 

It was on one of the brightest days in October that Mrs. Winton was riding 
with her son along a path leading through the forest up the Delaware. The 
road wound at the base of a mountain, bordering the river closely, and was flanked 
in some places by precipitous rocks, overgrown with shrubs, and shaded by over- 
hanging trees. It can hardly be known if the romantic beauty of the scene which 
presented itself by glimpses through the foliage — the bright, calm river, the wooded 
hills and slopes beyond, and the village lying in the lap of the savage forest — called 
forth as much admiration from those who gazed as it has since from spirits attuned 
to a vivid sense of the loveliness of nature. The sudden flight of a bird from the 
bushes startled the horse, and dashing quickly to one side he stood on the sheer 
edge of the precipice overlooking the water. The next plunge might have been a 
fatal one, but that the bridle was instantly seized by the strong arm of a man who 
sprang from the concealment of the trees. Checking the frightened animal, he 
assisted the dame and her son to dismount, and then led the horse for them to 


less dangerous ground. In the friendly conversation that followed, the English 
woman put forth all her powers of pleasing ; for the man was known already to 
her as one of the most respectable of the settlers, though he had never yet sought 
her society. His little service was rewarded by a cordial invitation, which was 
soon followed by a visit, to her house. 

To make a long story short, not many weeks had passed before this neighbor was 
an almost daily visitor ; and to the surprise and concern of the whole village his ex- 
ample was in time followed by many others of those who might have been called the 
gentry of Easton. It became evident that the handsome stranger was a coquette of 
the most unscrupulous sort ; that she was passionately fond of the admiration of the 
other sex, and was determined to exact the tribute due her charms, even from the 
sons of the wilderness. She flirted desperately with one after another, contriving 
to impress each with the idea that he was the happy individual especially favored 
by her smiles. Her manners and conversation showed less and less regard for the 
opinion of others or the rules of propriety. The effect of such a course of conduct 
in a community so simple and old-fashioned in their customs, so utterly unused to 
any such broad defiance of censure, may be more easily imagined than described. 
How the men were flattered and intoxicated in their admiration for the beautiful 
siren and their lessons in an art so new to them as gallantry, how the women were 
amazed out of their propriety, can be conceived without the aid of philosophy. 

Things were bad enough as they were, but when the time came for Mr. Win- 
ton to depart and take his place in the assembly the change was for the worse. 
His handsome wife was left, with only her son, in Easton for the winter. Her 
behavior was now more scandalous than ever, and soon a total avoidance of her 
by every other woman in the place attested their indignation. The coquette evi- 
dently held them in great scorn, while she continued to receive in a still more 
marked and offensive manner the attentions of the husbands, whom, she boasted, 
she had taught they had hearts under their linsey-woolsey coats. Long walks and 
rides through the woods, attended always by some one who had owned the power 
of her beauty, set public opinion wholly at defiance ; and the company at her fire- 
side, evening after evening, was thought to be not such as became a wife and 
mother to receive. The winter months passed, and spring came to set loose the 
streams and fill the woods with tender bloom and verdure. But the anger of the 
thoroughly irritated dames of Easton had gathered strength with time. Scarce one 
among the most conspicuous of the neighborhood but had particular reason to have 
their common enemy for the alienated affections and monopolized time of her 
husband, so faithful to his duties before this fatal enchantment. Complaints were 
made by one to another and strange stories told, which, of course, lost nothing in 
their circulation from mouth to mouth. What wonder was it that the mysterious 
influence exercised by the strange woman should be attributed to witchcraft ? 
What wonder that she should be judged to hold intercourse with evil spirits and 
to receive from them the power by which she subdued men to her sway ? 


Late in the afternoon of a beautiful day in the early part of June, two or three 
of the matrons of the village stationed themselves near the woods by which stood 
the house of Mrs. Winton. Not far from this was a small pond where the boys 
amused themselves in fishing, or bathed during the heats of summer. The spot 
once occupied by this little body of water is now the central portion of the town, 
and covered with neat buildings of brick and stone. The women had come forth 
to watch ; nor was their vigilance long unrewarded. They saw Mrs. Winton, 
accompanied by one of her gallants dressed with a care that showed an anxiety 
to please, walking slowly along the borders of the woods. The sun had set and 
the gray shadows of twilight were creeping over the landscape, yet it was evi- 
dently not her intention to return home. As it grew darker the two entered the 
woods, the female taking the arm of her companion, and presently both disappeared. 
" There he goes !" exclaimed one of the women who watched, with fierce anger in 
her looks, for it was her husband she had seen. " I knew it ! I knew he spent 
every evening with her!" "Shall we follow them ?" asked the other. "No! 
no ! let us go home quick ! " was the answer. 

Such a scene as the night witnessed was never before enacted in that quiet 
village. At a late hour there was a meeting of many of the matrons in the house 
of one of their number. The curtains were closely drawn ; the light was so dim 
that the faces of those who whispered together could scarcely be discerned. There 
was something fearful in the assemblage at such an unwonted time of those 
orderly housewives, so unaccustomed ever to leave their homes after dusk. The 
circumstance of their meeting alone betokened something uncommon in agitation. 
Still more did the silence, hushed and breathless at intervals, the eager but sup- 
pressed whispering, the rapid gestures, the general air of determination mingled 
with caution. It struck midnight ; they made signs one to another and the light 
was extinguished. 

It was perhaps an hour or more after, when the same band of women left the 
house, and took their way in profound silence along the road leading out of the 
village. By a roundabout course, skirting the small body of water above men- 
tioned, they came to the border of the woods. Just then the waning moon rose 
above the forest tops, shedding a faint light over hill and stream. It could then 
be seen that these women all wore a kind of mask of black stuff. Their course 
was directed toward the English woman's house, which they approached with 
stealthy and noiseless steps. A few moments of silence passed after they had 
disappeared, and then a wild shriek was heard, and others fainter and fainter, 
like the voice of one in agony struggling to cry out, and stifled by powerful hands. 
The women rushed from the woods, dragging with them their helpless victim, 
v/hom they had gagged so that she could not even supplicate their mercy. An- 
other cry was presently heard — the wail of a terrified child. The little boy, 
roused from sleep by the screams of his mother, ran toward her captors, and 
throwing himself on his knees begged for her in piteous accents and with stream- 


ing tears. "Take him away ! " cried several together ; and one of their number, 
snatching up the child, ran off with him at her utmost speed and did not return. 

The others proceeded quickly to their mission of vengeance. Dragging the 
helpless dame to the pond, they rushed into it, heedless of risk to themselves, till 
they stood in deep water. Then each, in turn, seizing her enemy by the shoulders, 
plunged her in, head and all, crying as she did so, " This is for my husband ! ' 
" And this for mine ! " " This for mine ! " was echoed, with the plunges, in quick 
succession, till the work of retribution was accomplished, and the party hurried to 
shore. Startled by a noise as of some one approaching, the disguised avenger? 
fled, leaving their victim on the bank, and lost no time in hastening homeward. 
The dawn of day disclosed a dreadful catastrophe : Dame Winton was found dead 
beside the water. There was evidence enough that she had perished not by acci- 
dent, but violence. Who could have done the deed ? 

The occurrence caused great commotion in Easton, as it was but natural it 
should, but it was never discovered with certainty who were the perpetrators of 
the murder. Suspicion fell on several, but they were prudent enough to keep 
silence, and nothing could be proved against them. Perhaps the more prominent 
among the men, who should have taken upon themselves the investigation of the 
affair, had their own reasons for passing it over rather slightly. It was beyond 
doubt, too, that actual murder had not been designed by the actors in the tragedy, 
but simply the punishment assigned to witchcraft by popular usage. So the mat- 
ter was not long agitated, though it was for many years a subject of conversation 
among those who had no interest in hushing it up, and the story served as a 
warning to give point to the lessons of careful mothers. 

It was for a long time believed that the ghost of the unfortunate English woman 
haunted the spot where she had died. Nor did the belief cease to prevail long 
after the pond was drained, and the woods felled, and the space built over. A 
stable belonging to a gentleman with whom I am acquainted stands near the place. 
I have heard him relate how one of his servants, who had never heard the story, 
had rushed in one night, much alarmed, to say that he had seen a female figure, 
in old-fashioned cap and white gown, standing at the door of the stable. Another 
friend, who resides near, was told by his domestic that a strange woman had stood 
at the back gate, who had suddenly disappeared when asked who she was. Thus 
there seems ground enough to excuse the belief, even now prevalent among the 
common people in Easton, that the spirit still walks at night about that portion of 
the town. 

Vol. XXV.— No. 4.-23 


Senator Hawley in his eulogy on General Sherman, in the senate of the United 
States, on receipt of the sad intelligence of the death of the great soldier, quoted 
two letters that should be placed on permanent record. He said : 

" When General Grant was called to Washington to take command of the armies 
of the Union, his great heart did not forget the men who had stood by him. He 
wrote to Sherman : 

' Whilst I have been eminently successful in this war, in at least gaining the 
confidence of the public, no one feels more than I how much of this success is due 
to the energy, skill, and the harmonious putting forth of that energy and skill, of 
those whom it has been my good fortune to have occupying subordinate positions 
under me. There are many officers to whom these remarks are applicable to a 
greater or less degree, proportionate to their ability as soldiers ; but what I want is 
to express my thanks to you and McPherson as the men to whom, above all others, 
I feel indebted for whatever I have had of success. How far your advice and 
assistance have been of help to me, you know. How far your execution of what- 
ever has been given to you to do entitles you to the reward I am receiving, you 
cannot know as well as I. I feel all the gratitude this letter would express, giving 
it the most flattering construction.' 

When Sherman received this brotherly letter, so greatly honorable to them 
both, he replied : 

' You do yourself injustice and us too much honor in assigning to us too large 
a share of the merits which have led to your high advancement. I know you 
approve the friendship I have ever professed to you, and will permit me to con- 
tinue, as heretofore, to manifest it on all proper occasions. You are now Washing- 
ton's legitimate successor, and occupy a position of almost dangerous elevation ; 
but if you can continue, as. heretofore, to be yourself— simple, honest, and unpre- 
tending — you will enjoy through life the respect and love of friends and the homage 
of millions of human beings that will award you a large share in securing to them 
and their descendants a government of law and stability. I repeat, you do General 
McPherson and myself too much honor. At Belmont you manifested your traits, 
neither of us being near. At Donelson also you illustrated your whole character. 
I was not near, and General McPherson in too subordinate a capacity to influence 
you. Until you had won Donelson I confess I was almost cowed by the terrible 
array of anarchical elements that presented themselves at every point ; but that 
admitted a ray of light I have followed since. I believe you are as brave, patriotic, 


and just as the great prototype Washington ; as unselfish, kind hearted, and honest 
as a man should be ; but the chief characteristic is the simple faith in success you 
have always manifested, which I can liken to nothing else than the faith a Christian 
has in the Saviour. This faith gave you victory at Shiloh and Vicksburg. Also 
when you have completed your best preparations, you go into battle without hesita- 
tion, as at Chattanooga — no doubts, no reserves ; and I tell you it was this that 
made us act with confidence. I knew wherever I was that you thought of me, and 
if I got in a tight place you would help me out, if alive.' 

This from a man, likewise a great general, who might honorably have aspired 
to the place that Grant had reached." 



" I would not have you imagine Miss that I write to you so often either to 
gratify your wishes or to please your vanity ; but merely to indulge myself and to 
comply with that restless propensity of my mind, which will not allow me to be 
happy when I am not doing something in which you are concerned. This may 
seem a very idle disposition in a philosopher and a soldier ; but I can plead illus- 
trious examples in my justification. Achilles had liked to have sacrificed Greece 
and his glory to his passion for a female captive ; and Antony lost the world for 
a woman. I am sorry the times are so changed as to oblige me to summon antiq- 
uity for my apology, but I confess, to the disgrace of the present age, that I have 
not been able to find many who are as far gone as myself in such laudable zeal for 
the fair sex. I suspect, however, if others knew the charms of my sweetheart as 
well as I do, I should have a great number of competitors — I wish I could give 
you an idea of her — you have no conception how sweet a girl she is — it is only 
in my heart that her image is truly drawn. She has a lovely form, and a mind 
still more lovely ; she is all goodness, the gentlest, the dearest, the tenderest of her 
sex — ah, Betsey, how I love her ! 

Two days since I wrote to you my dear girl and sent the letter to the care of 
Colonel Morris : there was with it a bundle to your mamma, directed to your father, 
containing a cloak which Miss Livingston sent to my care. I enclosed you in that 
letter the copy of a long one to my friend Laurens with an account of Arnold's 
affair. I mention this for fear of a miscarriage as usual. 

Well, my love, here is the middle of October ; a few weeks more and you are 
mine ; a sweet reflection to me — is it so to my charmer ? Do you find yourself 

* From Mrs. Lamb's History of the City of New York, the author of which was permitted by 
its owner to make a copy of the original letter. 


more or less anxious for the moment to arrive as it approaches ? This is a good 
criterion to determine the degree of your affection by. You have had an age for 
consideration, time enough for even a woman to know her mind in. Do you begin 
to repent or not ? Remember you are going to do a very serious thing. For 
though our sex have generously given up a part of its prerogatives, and husbands 
have no longer the power of life and death, as the wiser husbands of former days 
had, yet we still retain the power of happiness and misery ; and if you are pru- 
dent you will not trust the felicity of your future life to one in whcm you have not 
good reason for implicit confidence. I give you warning — don't blame me if you 
make an injudicious choice— and if you should be disposed to retract, don't give 
me the trouble of a journey to Albany, and then do as did a certain lady I have 
mentioned to you, find out the day before we are to be married that you ' can't 
like the man' ; but of all things I pray you don't make the discovery afterwards — 
for this would be worse than all. But I do not apprehend its being the case. I 
think we know each other well enough to understand each other's feelings, and to 
be sure our affection will not only last but be progressive. 

I stopped to read over my letter — it is a motley mixture of fond extravagance 
and sprightly dullness : the truth is I am too much in love to be either reasonable 
or witty : I feel in the extreme ; and when I attempt to speak of my feelings I 
rave. I have remarked to you before that real tenderness has always a tincture of 
sadness, and when I affect the lively my melting heart rebels. It is separated from 
you and it cannot be cheerful. Love is a sort of insanity and everything I write 
savors strongly of it ; that you return it is the best proof of your madness also. I 
tell you my Betsey, you are negligent ; you do not write me often enough. Take 
more care of my happiness, for there is nothing your Hamilton would not do to 
promote yours." 


Among the several valuable archaeological collections west of the Alleghanies, 
that of the Missouri Historical Society at St. Louis is of special interest. Begun 
some sixteen years ago, primarily to bring together an adequate representation of 
the finds within two hundred and fifty miles of St. Louis, it has gradually become 
one of the, best cabinets of the country. There are about sixteen thousand pieces 
in the museum, selections from five times that number, the rule of choice being to 
retain those least injured, regardless of workmanship and material. 

. The managers have had chipped stone chiefly in view ; but in forming a large 
collection it is practically impossible to keep within one region and to limit in 
gathering to a single class. Almost every class of objects known to American archae- 
ology is represented to some extent ; and numerous localities, as far east as the 
Hudson, and south to Louisiana and Florida, have furnished about one-sixth of 


the total number of specimens. Four thousand pieces may be summarily scheduled 
as follows : Implements variously denominated axes, celts, skinners, fleshers, etc., 
six hundred ; probably as fine an exhibit as is to be seen anywhere. Hematites, 
things made of iron ore, sixty-five ; discoidal stones, two hundred. The many other 
objects usually found in museums number twenty-seven hundred, among which 
are two metates (Mexican name for a certain corn-grinding contrivance) found in 

Aboriginal fictile ware comprises some four hundred pieces, pottery chiefly from 
regions south of St. Louis — an excellent beginning for a grand collection ; and 
even in its incompleteness not surpassed by many in the country. It contains one 
enormous pan thirty-six inches in diameter. Chipped stone, of which it remains to 
speak, includes about twelve thousand examples — a noble collection and most 
creditable to the society which has formed it. Although not complete in the 
restricted senses the term is used in this museum, even for the region it purports 
specially to represent, probably there is nothing like it. It bears witness to long 
endeavor, unwearied patience, and honest purpose to subserve scientific ends. The 
grand flint implements special to this region are represented as nowhere else : a 
series of knives, a dozen eighteen inches to ten inches long ; delicate ceremonial 
flints like that in the hand of the figure on the engraved Georgia shell ; huge leaf- 
shaped objects eighteen inches long by six wide ; many smaller, called spades from 
supposed use, polished at one end by long wear; circular notched and handled 
hoes and triangular hoes ; large pieces of wrought chert, often denominated culti- 
vators j and rude, flaked axes are here on view. Besides spears proper, twelve 
inches long and downward, multiform in shape, are found in the cases literally by 
the hundred. Suffice it to say, that some sixty different forms are shown among 
this chipped stone, many new to this writer and which it would seem have not 
been figured or described. 

The term complete, as above mentioned, is used in a special sense in the society's 
museum. What is meant is this : Classification by form obtains in this collection. 
An implement, say a spear, the nearest perfect and most specialized among those 
of a given form, is selected as the type of that form. Examples in regular grada- 
tion, from the largest known to the smallest of the same form, are arranged in order ; 
in like manner its variations or sub-varieties ; then specimens, if such there be, 
which illustrate how it runs into or affiliates with a kindred form. The cabinets, 
some thirty in number, are plain in design but of the best material, workmanship, 
and finish, furnished with plate glass, and elegant as furniture, appear to be well 
adapted to the purposes to which they are devoted. Whether the people of St. 
Louis are alive to the treasure they already possess in this incipient museum of their 
historical society, this writer does not know. But it is certain that if they foster 
it on the lines along which it has grown so far, they will soon possess what must 
needs be accounted an honor not alone to their city, but to the entire country. 

A. H. S. 




Jefferson's first inauguration — 
"The sun shone bright on that morn- 
ing. The senate was convened. . . - 
Mr. Jefferson had not arrived. He was 
seen walking from his lodgings, which 
were not far distant, attended by five or 
six gentlemen who were his fellow lodg- 
ers. Soon afterward he entered, ac- 
companied by a committee of the senate, 
and bowing to the senate who arose to 
receive him, he approached a table on 
which the bible lay and took the oath, 
which was administered to him by the 
chief-justice. He was then conducted 
by the president of the senate to his 
chair, which stood on a platform raised 
some steps above the floor ; after the 
pause of a moment or two he arose and 
delivered that beautiful inaugural ad- 
dress which has since become so popular 
and celebrated, with a clear, distinct 
voice, in a firm and modest manner." 

The writer of the above paragraph 
goes on to say that on leaving the chair 
the President was ' congratulated ' by his 
friends who at once surrounded him, 
and that " he walked home with two or 
three of the gentlemen who lodged in 
the same house." There have been 
conflicting accounts of this scene, but 
from my acquaintance with Mr. Rayner 
in Portland, when his Life of Thomas 
Jefferson was published in 1834, I be- 
lieve he placed full confidence in the 
description of the Washington " remi- 
niscent " quoted. H. K. 
Washington, D. C. 

Rulers, by Rev. Edward J. Giddings, ap- 
pears the following interesting para- 
graph : 

" Slaves were bought and sold in Mas- 
sachusetts in the time of Samuel Adams. 
Under the caption, ' Just imported from 
Africa,' Captain Gwin advertises in the 
Boston Gazette for July 13, 1761, 'A 
number of prime young slaves from the 
windward coast, to be sold on board his 
ship lying at New Boston.' Mr. Adams 
opposed the system. Previous to the 
controversies with the mother country 
he consulted and corresponded with 
Rev. Dr. Samuel Hopkins of Newport, 
R. I., and the two had resolved upon a 
vigorous warfare, through the press, 
against the African slave trade, but 
other matters came to hand which en- 
grossed the attention of Mr. Adams. A 
female slave named Surry was about 
the year 1764 given to Mrs. Adams. On 
mentioning the gift to her husband, he 
at once remarked : ' A slave cannot live 
in my house. If she comes she must be 
free.' She received her freedom on 
going into his family, where she lived 
many years, and where she died in the 
midst of kind ministrations both to her 
body and soul." 

Slavery in Massachusetts— In the 
recent work on American Christian 

Culture — Culture taken literally sig- 
nifies tillage, a process intended to in- 
crease the productiveness of soil. Edu- 
cation meant originally a leading forth, 
and as applied to the mind it is synony- 
mous with development. In common 
parlance, however, culture is used to 
cover a broader ground than that occu- 
pied by school and college. The devotee 



of culture esteems knowledge for its own 
sake less than as a means of growth and 
refinement. A pedant may be a man of 
great and accurate learning, but the 
name which classifies him implies defect- 
ive culture. He has sense of proportion, 
and values the exception rather more 
than the rule. He is great in little 
things, and excels other scholars in 
knowing more that is hardly worth learn- 
ing. The effect of true culture, so far 
as the intellect is concerned, is to give 
it the right point of view, and to enable 
it to distinguish the essential from the 
unessential conditions of every problem 
with which it may have to deal. The 
old-school educators were firmly con- 
vinced that Latin, Greek, and mathe- 
matics furnished the mind with just the 
gymnastic exercises requisite for a sym- 
metrical and powerful development. 

They were long involved in controversy 
with the utilitarians, who held that the 
time of youth should not be wasted in 
acquiring a learning that could not be 
made serviceable in the practical work 
of life. Later on physical science made 
such vast strides and was brought to 
bear upon so many questions of the pro- 
foundest interest that it was admitted as 
a necessary part of a liberal education. 
But there is still a conflict between the 
exigencies of life and the claims of 
learning. We would say that it is not the 
end of culture to make a modern man 
an ancient, or to make a German more 
intensely German than he is already, 
but to develop refined, clear-headed, and 
able men and women. Whatever study 
or course of study can secure that result 
is a sufficient means of culture. — New 
Orleans Picayune. 


Queen Elizabeth cipher — Did the 
princess, afterward Queen Elizabeth, 
when in captivity in the Tower or else- 
where use a padlock as her cipher? 
Information on this subject is very valu- 
able in an important historical and gene- 
alogical inquiry made by Mr. and Mrs. 
Edward E. Salisbury, New Haven, 

Raphael's painting — Editor of 
Magazine of American History: In 
honor of what masterpiece of the great 
artist did a king rise, and, removing his 
throne-chair that it might be placed in 
the best light, exclaim, " Make room for 
the immortal Raphael " ? 

Edward Curtis 
Cleveland, Ohio. 


The bladensburg dueling ground 
[xxv. 1 8, 1 80] — Mr. King in his correc- 
tion of the account of Graves and Cilley 
duel which appeared in the January 
number has himself fallen into a grave 
error. He is correct in so far as he re- 

lieves George W. Jones, a member of 
congress from Tennessee, from having 
acted as Mr. Cilley's second ; but he is 
incorrect when he says that Mr. Cilley's 
second was George W. Jones, a delegate 
in congress from what was then, Feb- 



ruary 24, 1838, the territory of Iowa, 
where he has ever since resided. 

Mr. Jones was not then, nor did he at 
any time, represent the territory of Iowa 
as delegate in congress. The territory 
of Iowa at that period, February 24, 
1838, had no legal existence and did not 
have until the 4th of July the same year 
when the territory was organized. Gen- 
eral Jones was the delegate in congress 
from the territory of Wisconsin, and re- 
sided at Sinsinawa Mound, about half 
way between Dubuque and Galena on 
the southern border of Wisconsin. 
After the expiration of his term of ser- 
vice as delegate from Wisconsin, he was 
appointed by Van Buren as surveyor- 
general for Iowa and lived at Dubuque, 
where he has ever since resided, and 
upon the admission of Iowa he became 
one of its senators. The first delegate 
in congress from Iowa was elected Sep- 
tember, 1838, and was W. W. Chapman, 
recently deceased at Portland, Oregon. 

General Jones has recently published 

a full and interesting account of that 

frightful tragedy, which did so much 

toward making dueling odious among 

the American people. 

T. S. Parvin 
Cedar Rapids, Iowa. 

The hunters of Kentucky [xxv 
244] — Editor of the Magazine of Amer- 
ican History : In reading your March 
number I discovered an interesting con- 
tribution from Mr. William Abbatt — lines 
written at the time and in commemora- 
tion of General Jackson's great victory 
over the British at New Orleans 8th 
January, 18 15. Mr. Abbatt, however, 
has omitted one, the seeond verse of 

the stanzas, by accident or otherwise, 
which I desire to supply. The whole 
should go down the tide of time to- 
gether. Here it is : 

" We are a hardy, freeborn race, each man to 
fear no stranger ; 
Whate'er the game we join in chase, despis- 
ing toil and danger. 
And if a daring foe annoys, whate'er our 

strength or force is, 
We'll show him that the Kentucky boys are 

Alligator horses. 
Oh, Kentucky, we are hunters of Kentucky." 

It would be interesting to know the 
name of the author. H. D. Tucker 
Rochester, N. Y. 

Pennsylvania families [xxv. 179] 
— Editor : I notice a request for in- 
formation about the Antes, Bausman, 
and Beltzhoover families of Allegheny 
county, Pennsylvania. The Bausmans 
are the descendants of John Michael 
Baussmann, born in Hesse-Darmstadt, 
Germany, in the year 17 12, who landed 
at Philadelphia in the year 1748. He 
came to this country in a ship called the 
Judith of which James Tait was master. 
He settled at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 
where he was master of the barracks 
and died in 1791. Four of his sons, 
Jacob, Nicholas, Frederick, and Lorenzo, 
moved to Allegheny, then Washington 
county, in the year 1783. They were 
among the founders of the Smithneld 
street German church and eventually 
became very wealthy men. Jacob 
Bausman married Elizabeth Saam, 
daughter of an English soldier at Fort 
Pitt. A. L. Bausman, D.D.S., A. C. 
Bausman of Minneapolis, and William 
Bausman, a well-known San Francisco 
editor, are some of his descendants ; 



also Rev. Joseph Bausman of Rochester 
Pennsylvania. John Nicholas Bausman 
married Anna Maria Antes of West- 
moreland county, and when she died he 
married her sister Dorothea. Four 
children survived him, Dr. Frederick 
Bausman, Squire R. A. Bausman, Mi- 
chael, and Elizabeth, wife of the Rev. 
Peter Patterson of Sioux City, Iowa. 
The descendants of Dr. Frederick Baus- 
man who married Sarah Beltzhoover re- 
side at present in Virginia. Captains 
R. A. Bausman of St. Louis and Isaac 
W. Bausman of Wyoming are among the 
descendants of Squire Bausman. Some 
of his descendants still reside in Pitts- 
burg. It is not known whether Michael 
married or not, as he left Pennsylvania at 
an early day. Nothing is known of the 
descendants of Frederick, the third son 
of Michael Bausman, unless they are the 
Bausmans of Allegheny City, Pennsyl- 
vania. The descendants of Lorenzo 
Bausman reside in the southern counties 
of Virginia. The Antes family of West- 
moreland county is supposed to have 
died out. The Beltzhoovers are the de- 
scendants of Melchior Beltzhoover, who 
came to this country in 1755, and still 
reside in Allegheny county. 

J. L. Bausman 
St. Louis, Mo. 

Disasters on long island sound 
[xxiv. 150.] — Editor of Magazine : In 
your August number, 1890, an inquiry 
was made in relation to the loss of the 
steamer Lexington on Long Island 
Sound, January 1, 1840. The writer 
says Captain Hannah, master of the bark 
Chester, of Portland, Maine, was one of 
those saved, " on a floating bale of cot- 
ton." I have to-day read the article in 
question to Mr. David Crowley, who is 
one of the survivors, and he asks me to 
say that no such person as Captain Han- 
nah was saved ; also, that the only pas- 
senger saved was Captain Chester Hill- 
ard of Norwich, Connecticut, master of 
the packet ship Mississippi, plying be- 
tween New York and New Orleans, who 
having been recently in New York was 
on his way home to Norwich. 

Mr. Crowley was saved " on a floating 
bale of cotton " after suffering terrible 
hardships. He retained the bale until 
the war of Rebellion, when he sold it 
for $1.65 per pound. This transaction 
he has always regretted. Mr. Crowley 
is a hale, hearty old man, and is now and 
has been for many years in the employ 
of the Stonington Line, as baggage-mas- 

A. A. Folsom 
Boston, Mass. 





a special meeting held February 24, it 
was decided to purchase a site for the 
new building in Eighth avenue (Central 
Park West) between Seventy-sixth and 
Seventy-seventh streets. It has a front- 
age on the avenue of two hundred and 
four feet four inches, with a depth of one 
hundred and twenty-five feet on each 
street, the north side being opposite 
Manhattan square. The society will 
pay $286,500 for the ten lots. 

The stated meeting for March was 
held on Tuesday evening the 3d instant. 
Hon. John A. King presided. A very 
interesting paper entitled " The Story 
of An Old American Town : Castine, 
Maine," was read by Mr. Edward I. 
Stevenson, who said among other things 
in relation to the early history of the 
place : " In the links of the story we 
behold first of all Champlain gazing at 
its woods for the first time. Its soft 
French name calls up to the poetry- 
reader's mind Mr. Longfellow's fanciful 
1 Tales of a Wayside Inn ; ' and the 
heroic figure of the Baron de St. Castin, 
who named it, looms up like some myth- 
ical type, and says, 'This is my town.' 
Recalling Mr. Whittier's ' Mogg Me- 
gone,' we watch the hollow-eyed French 
Jesuit, in his black robe, hurrying about, 
eager to baptize a dirty Tarratine Indian ; 
or to be burned as a martyr by him ! 
Dutch pirates come sailing up Castine's 
Bay, and then sail away, leaving a robbed 
and terrified community behind them, 
and little else. Sir John Moore, a dash- 
ing young soldier, with his dog in the 
Peninsular War far ahead of him, walks 

past us. We hear the guns of Rev- 
olutionary skirmishers ; we watch one 
fort after another go up, one fleet after 
another maneuvering in Castine's har- 
bor. We have the worthy General 
Wadsworth routing the British invaders 
and being routed by them. We find 
the Revolutionary activity subsiding as 
the nation's liberty is achieved. And, 
last, there are no more shapes from the 
land of shadows; but, instead, sunny 
fields and peaceful farms and rural 
prosperity, with only a great fort's green 
glacis to make one believe that war ever 
rolled its thunders in so tranquil a spot 
as Castine is, for peace to enjoy and to 

The Chicago historical society 
held its quarterly meeting January 20, 
1 89 1, Vice-President General A. C. Mc- 
Clurg in the chair. After the reading of 
the reports from the secretary and treas- 
urer, the president, Edward G. Mason, 
was introduced, and entertained the soci- 
ety and its guests by the reading of his 
paper, entitled " The Story of James 
Willing : An Episode of the Revolution." 
Samuel H. Kerfoot, in moving a vote of 
thanks, remarked that he did so not as 
a mere matter of form, but on account 
of the intrinsic merit of the paper read, 
recalling as it did, and placing it in a 
new light, a most interesting event in 
Revolutionary times, to which Illinois 
was directly related. 

The ohio archaeological and his- 
torical society held its sixth annual 
meeting February 20, the vice-president, 



Dr. Moore, in the chair. The proposi- 
tion to change the name of the society 
to the " Ohio Historical Society " was 
considered and it was decided to make 
the change. The officers for the ensu- 
ing year were elected as follows : presi- 
dent, F. C. Sessions ; vice-presidents, 
Dr. Moore and General R. Brinkerhoff ; 
treasurer, S. S. Rickley ; secretary, A. A. 
Graham. The annual dinner which fol- 
lowed was largely attended, and the 
speech-making included addresses by 
Hon. Charles P. Griffin on " The Mau- 
mee Valley in History ; " by Hon. D. D. 
Taylor on " The Old Moravian Missions 
in Ohio ; " and General Brinkerhoff on 
" Ohio at the Columbian Exposition." 

GRAPHICAL society. — At the recent 
monthly meeting of this society, held in 
the Berkeley Lyceum, General James 
Grant Wilson in the chair, Dr. George 
Stewart, F.R.G.S., president of the Lit- 
erary and Historical Society of Quebec, 
read a most interesting paper on the first 
administration of Louis de Buade, Count 
Frontenac. He traced the early career 
of the distinguished soldier and states- 
man, and described briefly the salons, 
the court beauties of King Louis' reign, 
and the men and women who swayed 
the destinies of France. The count's 
mission to the new world was then 
touched upon, Dr. Stewart showing how 
eager the governor was to build up the 
country and spread the spirit of coloniza- 
tion and Christianity among the people. 
He called a convention in 1672, seeking 
to inaugurate a monarchical form of gov- 
ernment, and, with much pomp, created 
three estates of his realm, the clergy, 

nobles, and commons. The king, how- 
ever, opposed the scheme, and Frontenac 
was sharply reprimanded for his pains. 
He possessed wonderful power over the 
Indians, knowing well when to apply 
blandishments, and when to threaten and 
punish. The lecturer gave several ex- 
amples of Frontenac's method of concili- 
ating the savage tribes which infested the 
districts, and gave a graphic account of 
the great Indian council at Fort Fron- 
tenac, and the comparative facility with 
which the governor turned the tables on 
the Iroquois, and forced them from an- 
tagonism into submission. The lecturer 
presented the society with a large photo- 
graph of the massive bronze statue of 
Frontenac, the work of Mr. Hebert, a 
Canadian sculptor of fine ability, which 
was placed last autumn in one of the 
niches in front of the Parliament build- 
ings in Quebec. 

The new century historical so- 
ciety, Marietta, Ohio, held its second 
annual banquet on the 6th of February 
1 89 1, on which occasion many brilliant 
speeches were made touching upon the 
historic features of that interesting region 
of country. A monumental stone is about 
to be erected in memory of the men and 
women, the real founders of the state 
of Ohio, who settled Marietta in 1788, 
braving the perils of life in the wilder- 
ness, and the terrors and hardships of 
Indian war, with provisions so scarce 
that starvation stared them in the face. 
The stone will mark the site of Campus 
Martius, the principal fortification in 
those early times, the ground where it 
stood remaining almost unoccupied and 
very beautiful in situation. It is a most 



fitting spot for the proposed memorial, 
and the New Century Historical Society 
is to be congratulated on the good work 
it has achieved. 

H. McClintock ; librarian, Hon. J. R. 
Wright; historiographer, George B. Kulp. 


listened to the reading of an excellent 
paper at its January meeting by Howard 
L. Osgood on " The One Hundred Acre 
Tract," and committees were appointed 
to take into consideration the placing of 
historical tablets throughout the city of 
Rochester, and to preserve old land- 
marks. At the February meeting Hon. 
Charles E. Fitch read a paper on " In- 
terviewing a Statesman," in which he 
told how in a dream he discussed polit- 
ical questions with Henry Clay ; Judge 
J. M. Howell of Canandaigua read the 
" Legend of Canandaigua Lake ; " and 
George S. Conover of Geneva spoke of 
the generosity of the State of New York 
when several states were disputing for 
its territory, each holding a royal grant 
for the same. Among the gifts presented 
to the society was a collection of ser- 
mons preached by the clergy of early 
Rochester, several pamphlets by Henry 
O'Reilly, and a piece of the Charter Oak. 

LOGICAL society held its annual meet- 
ing February n, on which occasion, 
after the reading of several interesting 
reports, the following officers were elected 
for the ensuing year : president, A. T. 
McClintock, LL.D.; vice-presidents, 
Rev. H. L. Jones, Hon. E. B. Coxe, 
Captain Calvin Parsons, Hon. L. D. 
Shoemaker ; corresponding secretary, 
Sheldon Reynolds ; recording secre- 
tary ; Joseph D. Coons ; treasurer, A. 


A meeting was held on the 7th of Feb- 
ruary in the Westmoreland Club-house, 
Richmond, Vice-President William Wirt 
Henry in the chair. A large number of 
gifts were reported, and the following 
gentlemen elected members of the so- 
ciety : John Elfretts Watkins, United 
States National Museum, Washington, 
D. C. ; Hon. Thomas J. Semmes, New 
Orleans, La. ; Edwin W. James, Norfolk, 
Va. ; George William Harris, librarian 
of Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. ; 
Charles V. Meredith, Richmond, Va. ; 
Alexander F. Robertson, Staunton, Va. 
Hon. E. S. Mallory of Jackson, Tenn., 
was elected a life-member. 

Mr. Brock reported that the printing 
of the current publication of the society, 
the second and concluding volume of 
the " History of the Virginia Convention 
of 1788," had been completed. 

The saugatuck historical society, 
Westport, Connecticut, held its annual 
meeting on the 7th of February, at which 
time the following officers were elected 
for the ensuing year : president, Horace 
Staples ; vice-presidents, William J. Jen- 
nings, William H. Saxton, Captain Wil- 
liam G. Staples ; secretary, Rev. James 
E. Coley ; librarian, William Gray Sta- 
ples ; treasurer, Dr. L. T. Day. Febru- 
ary 23, the society held a public meeting 
and papers were read by President Hor- 
ace Staples, Captain William G. Staples, 
Rev. H. S. Still, and a scholarly review 
of Major Powell's lectures on " Course 
of Human Progress " by Mr. H. S. Pratt. 




VANIA. From the earliest times to the 
present. 1739-1885. By Rev. Uzal W. 
Condit, A.M. Illustrated. Royal 8vo, pp. 
500. Published by George W. West, Easton, 

Easton is a most interesting old town, founded 
in the forests when our country was new, in a 
locality chosen for its beauty and convenience, 
and for the abundance of game which roamed 
through the rich valleys and along the moun- 
tain sides. It grew into a place of importance, 
and took a prominent part in the old French 
and Indian wars, and was the scene of the great 
Indian treaties in 1756, 1757, 1758, of which a 
full history is given in this handsome volume 
before us. In the war of the Revolution Easton 
was active and useful, and at one time the 
headquarters of General Sullivan in the organi- 
zation of his famous expedition against the In- 
dians at Wyoming. An equally prominent part 
was taken by Easton in the war of 1812 and 
in the late civil war. 

In the year 1753 the people of Easton con- 
templated building a court-house, and there 
was great opposition to the scheme. It was 
said that the hills were so high and steep as 
to endanger one's life to approach the village. 
The inhabitants " cast lots" in those days for 
almost everything, from church privileges to 
doing guard duty against the Indians, but they 
do not seem to have been willing to run any 
risks of that sort about the court-house. They 
built a jail, however, with more celerity. Courts 
could be accommodated at private houses, but 
desperate criminals could not be confined in log 
cabins. In 1755 a school-house, which was also 
to be used as a church, was built of logs, with 
one large and three small rooms. There were 
forty families living in the place at that date. 
Since then the little hamlet has budded and 
blossomed into a great busy city, and the steps 
of its progress and its present condition are 
fully presented in this volume. The author has 
evidently been untiring in his labor of collecting 
valuable material, and has exercised great care 
and discrimination in the selection of authori- 
tative data. The part of the work touching 
upon the early history of Easton is exceedingly 
picturesque, and much the most interesting por- 
tion of the book for the general reader, but 
the extended history of the churches, common 
schools, Lafayette college, the city government, 
and the commercial interests of the place render 
it of peculiar local consequence, and we do not 
see how any resident of Easton or of the county 
can afford to miss it from their tables. The 
publisher has brought it out in excellent style, 

and we commend it heartily to all the good 
libraries of the country. It is invaluable as a 
work of reference. 

Graham, M.A. [The International Scientific 
Series.] i2tno, pp. 416. New York : D. 
Appleton & Company. 1891. 
Few subjects of modern times attract more 
attention from the thinking than the subject of 
this book. Socialism is in the air of the century, 
and in a vague way every one feels that it is a 
topic of importance. There is much scientific 
discussion of socialism and more unscientific 
discussion. The former has generally a pro- 
fessorial emanation ; the latter, a proletarian or 
a wicked one. The work before us is from the 
hands of the professor of political economy and 
jurisprudence at Queen's college, Belfast. In 
common with most of his class the author treats 
the subject with a degree of respect born of 
long contemplation in abstracto, which would be 
oftentimes amusing were it not appalling when 
he is discussing some of the most pernicious of 
theories yet born of human brains. 

The historical part of the text of this book 
is no doubt excellent, and conveys to the reader 
a very clear idea of the literary manifestations 
of socialism. In the chapter on " Socialism 
before the Nineteenth Century " the Jewish and 
Catholic manifestations are treated of, and there 
is a view of the conceptions of Hobbes and 
Locke, whence the author passes to Rousseau, 
the great apostle of what we may call artificial 
socialism. This chapter is lucid and instruct- 
ive, but fails, we think, to distinguish clearly 
the difference between the concrete and the ab- 
stract phases of the subject as exhibited in the 
Pentateuch and the Gospels. There is a moral 
side of the text in both these sources which re- 
fers only to morality and admits of no such 
precise application to the economic problems of 
the modern state. Chapter III. on " Modern 
Socialism, from St. Simon to Karl Marx, is a 
very clever discussion of modern theories, but 
would have been the better for emphatic allu- 
sion to Bentham, the arch-father of all the mod- 
ern legislative panaceas for social ills. 

We have not space to follow in detail the plan 
of this excellent book, which will prove a mine of 
instruction to the general reader. We know 
of no other work which surpasses it in a candid 
and lucid discussion of a large subject. With 
Chapter IX., on " Practicable State Socialism," 
begins what we may call the didactic part of 
the treatise. This part is moderate in tone and 
suggestive ; in short, altogether good and worthy 
of the prior chapters of the volume. In pro- 



nouncing this opinion we would say, without 
any reference to Professor Graham, that the 
calm and glacial tone of most professorial dis- 
cussions of modern socialism is somewhat dis- 
turbing to the common mind. To admit that 
communism inevitably tends to the destruction 
of monogamy, and then scientifically to discuss 
communism as a possibility, is somewhat shock- 
ing. To calmly survey the possible destruction 
of that wonderful institution the private family, 
with its touching incidents ; even to contem- 
plate its conversion into something public or 
something different — all this is a characteristic 
of scientific treatises on socialism. 

Is it not time that some vigorous practical 
mind should think it worth while to give reply 
to the claims of the socialists ? Should not more 
denounce the vice in socialist theories in plain 
speech as wicked, anarchical, and impossible? 
We hold as firmly as any socialist that labor 
must be ennobled ; but, depend upon it, it will 
ennoble itself ultimately as sure as the tide 
serves. Already the modern joint-stock corpo- 
ration, which the professors and socialists regard 
only to decry, points to the only practical solu- 
tion of cooperation. The time will no doubt 
come when labor and capital will be compelled 
to divide the stock in every great undertaking 
on decent and orderly plans, leaving the grand 
institutions — the family, private property, and 
individual liberty — intact. Human society is a 
normal growth, invariable in its action as a veg- 
etable growth. But legislation cannot generate 
a growth ; it can only cultivate it, or thwart it. 

In England, where land is scarce, orderly 
legislation can safely be depended on to correct 
an evil which has no existence in America where 
every industrious family may if they will own a 
farm. In America the most vulgar and ridicu- 
lous plutocracy the world has ever yet seen has no 
doubt been fostered by legislation, and grown 
rich on indiscriminate charters and legislative 
privilege. But this is an anomaly, which the 
greatest body of intelligent, small proprietors of 
private property the world has ever yet seen 
may be depended on to cure ultimately without 
resort to the crimes of the socialists, and while 
preserving all that is sacred in human institu- 
tions. But it is a paradox to call such curative 
legislation state socialism. If it is, most legis- 
lation is state socialism and ever has been. 
While commending this book before us we say, 
away with the so-called science and hideous 
phantom of socialism and its inevitable con- 
comitant slavery, with the apostles of socialism 
for task-masters. Remember that in any aspect, 
pure legitimate socialism means no family home, 
no privacy, no individual property ; it means 
back to the blackest night of deepest barbarism. 
Do not confuse humanitarian legislation with 
socialism. Pure socialism is destructive of some 
fundamental existing institution — this is its 

characteristic. We suggest that a classification 
of the various theories of the socialistic gentry 
has no greater claim to be regarded as part of 
the science of sociology than a treatise on the 
black art, or on the deftest modes of pocket pick- 
ing. We have reviewed the book before us a 
little on the principle of the artists in black and 
white, leaving many things to be filled in by an 
artistic imagination. What we mean to say, in 
short, is, that Professor Graham's book is a good 
book, but on an inferior subject, and one taken 
much too seriously for the general good. 

Edited by the secretary, George W. Van 
Siclen. Octavo, pp. 268, Published by the 
Society, New York, 1891. 
This quaint-looking, profusely illustrated vol- 
ume in orange covers contains the circum- 
stantial account of the tour of about fifty mem- 
bers of the New York Holland Society to the 
Netherlands, "who made the journey of twice 
thirty-five hundred miles solely from a desire to 
see the land of their ancestors." These senti- 
mental pilgrims conversed in genealogical par- 
lance during their voyage across the Atlantic, 
according to the statements of their chroniclers, 
each becoming intensely interested in his own 
forefathers, with a languid concern about the 
ancient relatives of the rest of the party, and 
arrived at their destination in merry mood. 
They were warmly welcomed by their Dutch 
cousins, and entertained during their sojourn in 
Holland with lavish hospitality. The volume 
opens with a sketch of the first part of the 
expedition by Mr. Sheldon T. Viele of Buffalo, 
who says : <l It was only nine days in all, but it 
gave us experiences and pleasures that will ever 
remain in our memories. Of Holland and its 
people too much cannot be said in praise. Thrift, 
prosperity, and commercial activity are every- 
where apparent. A noticeable indication of 
this prosperity was the fact, that of the many 
children we saw, both in the cities and the 
country districts, all were comfortably clad and 
none were barefooted. When the children are 
thus cared for, all is well with the nation." 

The second part of the narrative of the 
journey is by Rev. J. Howard Suydam, D.D., 
who describes in glowing colors the generous 
courtesies bestowed upon the travelers by citi- 
zens, societies, and municipalities. He gives 
the details of ovations, processions, and ban- 
quets, including many of the addresses and 
speeches on these memorable occasions. The 
volume also contains a graphic record of the 
annual dinner of the Holland Society in New 
York, on the 8th of January, 1889, with many 
of the brilliant utterances on that evening, to- 



gether with admirably executed steel portraits 
of several of the speakers. Following this is a 
brief account of the Holland dinner in Albany, 
on the 14th of February, 1889, and a complete 
list of the officers and members of the New 
York Society, occupying twenty-six pages. 

TENDOM, A. D. 789 to A. d. 888. By C. 
F. Keary, M.A., F.S.A. With maps and 
tables. i2mo, pp. 571. New York : G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. 1891. 

This ably written volume is concerned with 
that period in the history of the Scandinavian 
peoples when they were growing, but had not 
fully grown, into nationalities, and when there- 
fore their true national history had not begun. 
The author tells us that the Viking age of the 
Northern folk differs from the corresponding 
epochs in the history of other nations, in that it 
is illuminated by a faint ray of real history lent 
from the pages of contemporary but alien chron- 
iclers of • Christian Europe. He further says: 
11 All histories (almost) of Scandinavian lands 
begin with prehistoric antiquities, which are not 
history. Or it may be that the historians of 
these countries have not liked to realize how far 
down in time their history begins ; so that pre- 
historic discoveries or unauthenticated traditions 
preserved in the sagas of a later age have been 
brought in to fill up what is for history in the 
proper sense of the word a mere blank." 

The work is interesting from the very first 
page. " Heathendom " is the title of the open- 
ing chapter, and the reader is at once engaged 
in the study of the old Roman roads, in the dim 
dawn of history so to speak, the cloud gate of 
time having rolled aside. "The Character of 
the Vikings " is one of the specialty interesting 
portions of the volume. The Scandinavian 
people were beginning to make themselves 
known ; they had learned the use of the sail 
from the Romans, but were slow r in changing 
the general construction of their boats. They 
ventured upon unknown waters in very unsafe 
crafts. Their military achievements were re- 
markable, and they possessed vast courage and 
many -fierce qualities. They were addicted to 
practical jokes, some of which as related by the 
author were extraordinary. " The amassing of 
treasure had for the Viking a half religious char- 
acter, which it is impossible for us in these days 
to understand." The Vikings roved about on 
the wilderness of waters and at last found Ire- 
land, about 807, and later on aimed at something 
like a definite conquest of that country. Noth- 
ing of their history or their birthplace was known 
to the Christian chroniclers of the time. As 
early as 843 they had established something like 
a Norse kingdom over fully one-half of Ireland. 

They first came like the swallows as summer 
visitants, and occupied themselves with raids 
and in plunderings ; then they came to stay. It 
was to the Norsemen that Ireland owed the be- 
ginning of a fleet, and of such commercial pros- 
perity as she has ever had. 

The book is crowded with information gath- 
ered from many sources, and the style in which 
the material is presented to the reader is charm- 
ing. We cannot here follow the Vikings in their 
visits to the countries of ancient Europe, but 
the theme is one of peculiar interest. Genea- 
logical and chronological tables are arranged at 
the close of the volume, which is supplied with 
a good index. 

The Lost Sister of Wyoming. A complete 
Narrative of her Captivity and Wanderings 
among the Indians. By John F. Megin- 
ness. 8vo, pp. 238. Williamsport, Penn- 
sylvania. 1 891. 

There is nothing in the history of American 
Indian life more pathetic, romantic, and im- 
pressive than the story of the captivity, expe- 
riences, wanderings, and death of Frances 
Slocum. The scene of the capture was in the 
lovely valley of Wyoming, and the time Novem- 
ber 2, 1778. The little girl was between four 
and five years old, and in her subsequent re- 
markable history there were peculiar devel- 
opments following her associations with the 
Indians, notably the loss of her mother tongue 
and the tenacity with which she clung to the 
strange people with whom her lot was cast. 
From the time she was borne away on the 
shoulders of 2> stout Indian into the deep for- 
ests, shrieking frantically to her mamma for 
help, no authentic tidings of her reached the 
family for sixty years, when suddenly a train of 
circumstances brought to light her whereabouts. 
Colonel Meginness presents the thrilling 
account of her wanderings while in captivity, 
in her own language, as simply related by her- 
self through an interpreter, after the problem of 
her identity was settled. She had been twice 
married and was living happily with her chil- 
dren when found by her friends. Her second 
husband was a Miami chief, and founded " Deaf 
Man's Village," where she resided. " She 
looked like an Indian, talked like an Indian, 
lived like an Indian, seated herself like an In- 
dian, ate like an Indian, lay down to sleep like 
an Indian, thought, felt, and reasoned like an 
Indian ; she had no longings for her original 
home, or the society of her kindred." Yet the 
author tells us : " There was a moral dignity in 
her manners entirely above ordinary savage life; 
her Angle-Saxon blood had not been tainted by 
savage touch, but bore itself gloriously amid the 



long series of trials through which it had passed. 
She was the widow of a deceased chief ; she 
was rich ; all that abundance and respectability 
could do for a woman in savage life was hers. 
Such was the former Frances Slocum of Wyo- 
ming, now Maconaqua, the queen of the Mi- 
amis." The book is one of intense interest and 
great value. The facts stated have all been 
verified in the most careful manner. 

TIVE POLITICS. By John George 
Bourinot, C.M.G., LL.D., D.C.L. Royal 
square quarto, pp. 92. Dawson Brothers. 
Montreal, 1890. 

In this work Dr. Bourinot sketches the charac" 
ter of Canadian institutions, draws critical com- 
parisons between the political systems of Canada 
and the United States, and closes with a chap- 
ter entitled " Canada and Switzerland," in 
which he touches upon many suggestive facts in 
relation to the political system of Switzerland, 
from which he thinks conclusions of much value 
may be drawn for the Canadian people, " who 
are endeavoring to establish a permanent federa- 
tion by harmonizing radical difference of race 
and creed on the sound basis of compromise, 
conciliation, and justice." 

The conspicuous ability with which the author 
has discussed the themes presented in this vol- 
ume invests it with more than ordinary interest. 
The history of Canada is contemporaneous with 
that of the United States ; and developing 
under the fostering care of England, Canada 
has been able to survey at a reasonable distance 
the details of the governmental affairs of her 
neighbors. The value of such opportunities 
would seem to be worth noting, and it is to 
be remembered that within a very few years 
Canada has made remarkable strides in the path 
of national progress, through the influence of a 
political system eminently adapted to stimulate 
the best energies and expand the thought and 
intellect of her people. Dr. Bourinot says : 
" The federal system which now unites the Swiss 
cantons has many features in common with that 
of Canada, and especially with that of the 
United States." He dwells at some length upon 
the powers of the cantons, and the methods by 
which the Swiss people assert their rights as 
free citizens of a pure democracy. We regret 
that we can only in our limited space briefly call 
attention to the salient features of this carefully 
prepared political study. It overflows with 
instruction, and we cordially commend it to 
the thoughtful reader of every country. "The 
student of comparative politics will find much 
to interest him in the names of the various local 
divisions, and of tne machinery of local adminis- 
tration in the provinces of Canada, since he will 
see in them many illustrations of the closeness 

with which Englishmen everywhere cling, even 
under modern conditions, to the nomenclature 
and usages which associate them with the primi- 
tive times of English government." Dr. Bourinot 
believes that the great governing principle of 
the world in the future is federation, by which 
all communities, whether of the same or dif- 
ferent nationalities, can successfully unite on 
the basis of great common interests. He says, 
with much emphasis : " The force of a national 
sentiment, and the ability of a federal state 
to fight for union, were shown in the ever 
memorable civil war in the American republic. 
Slavery became a subsidiary question as the 
struggle proceeded, and the preservation of the 
union was essentially the great motive power 
that gave strength to the north and west." 


By Henry T. Finck. With illustrations. 

i2mo, pp. 309. New York, 1890. Charles 

Scribner's Sons. 

The author of this book declares himself in 
love with the Pacific coast, because after living 
on it eleven years at various times, and twelve 
years on the Atlantic, he finds the scenery grand- 
er and the climate more delightful and exhilarat- 
ing on the western side of our continent than on 
the eastern ; and climate and scenery in his 
estimation make up fully one-half the sum of 
human happiness. Scenery, he says, requires 
some aesthetic culture for its appreciation, but 
climate affects all alike. Mr. Finck has pro- 
duced a volume that is exceptionally interesting 
and informing, and the reader will not be in- 
clined to lay it aside after reading the first chap- 
ter until the final page is reached. Beginning 
with Los Angeles County, both the tourist and 
the agriculturist have a vividly painted panoramic 
view prepared for their benefit, leading them 
through Southern California, over the Mexican 
border to Santa Catalina island, Santa Barbara 
and the Yosemite, San Francisco and China- 
town, Portland and its sea-beaches, the Colum- 
bia river to Tacoma, Alaska, and Yellowstone 
Park. Our guide travels with his eyes open, 
and does not fail to chronicle what he sees. In 
Southern California he observes that in many 
cases the large useless hotels built in the small 
towns have already been secured at a bargain for 
school buildings. The home of the palms and 
orange groves is visited, and he tells us about 
" a cow eating oranges off a tree. - ' 

There is such a superabundance of material 
in the book worthy cf mention that we can 
only pause in our effort to give a glimpse of 
its varied contents, and commend it, as a whole, 
to the examination of all who may intend jour- 
neying on the Pacific coast, and also, and par- 
ticularly, to the other half of the human race 
who expect to stay at home. 

%Jj£tL>+~ /^sd-u^u*^ 


Vol. XXV MAY, 1891 No. 5 


NO period in the world's history has been more remarkable for material 
progress than that spanned by the life of the great American states- 
man William H. Seward. The year of his birth was marked by the 
political whirlwind which placed Thomas Jefferson in the presidential 
chair of the United States. When Fulton's steamboat first startled the 
farmers along the Hudson river with the noise of its clumsy machinery 
and paddle-wheels — the earliest successful application of the steam-engine 
to ship propulsion — the boy was six years old. The war of 18 12 with all 
its important chain of consequences, the building of the Erie canal, the 
longest water-way on the globe at the time, the invention of gas, of the 
railroad, of the magnetic telegraph, the rise of public schools, the estab- 
lishment of innumerable important and useful institutions, and the founda- 
tion of the great newspaper system of the country, were among the swiftly 
passing events of his maturing individuality. He had for his birthright 
the intellectual energy of that peculiar age. He was a studious child, 
and in 1816 entered Union College, then in the zenith of its prosperity 
under the direction of the able and justly celebrated President Eliphalet 
Nott, D.D. 

From first to last the career of William H. Seward was singularly 
interesting. His youth was cast among influences which turned his mind 
toward politics and the law, and years afterward he wrote, " I cannot but 
think that, at that period when recollections of the Revolution were quite 
recent, and the world engrossed with the tremendous Napoleonic wars in 
Europe, men were more intensely earnest than they are now. Of course 
whatever thoughts I had took their shape and complexion from the de- 
bates that I heard on every side." His autobiography covering these 
years is exceptionally pleasant and instructive reading. But his active 
experiences in public affairs later on — as governor of New York, as a 
prominent opponent of slavery in the senate of the United States, and as 
secretary of state during the turmoils of the late civil war — form a con- 
spicuous feature of our national records. 

Vol. XXV.-No. 5.-23 


While young Seward after leaving college was reading law with John 
Anthon of New York and John Duer and Ogden Hoffman, the celebrated 
De Witt Clinton was governor of the state, and politics was the chief 
topic of conversation among all classes of the people. A fierce struggle 
was going on between the " Bucktails " and the " Clintonians," which 
finally resulted in a new state constitution framed and adopted in the 
autumn of 182 1. No man in the development of a grand idea for the 
common good was at this period more abused than De Witt Clinton. The 
opposing faction styled his prospective canal " a big ditch in which would 
be buried the treasure of the state, to be watered by the tears of posterity," 
and interposed every known obstacle in the way of its accomplishment. 
Mr. Seward was committed through his early training to the support of 
this faction, but his ideas broadened with his years and opportunities 
and he actually cast his first vote in 1824 for the Clintonian party. Dur- 
ing the same year he first met his lifelong friend Thurlow Weed, under 
curiously romantic circumstances. He was traveling with some gentle- 
men in an old-fashioned stage-coach, which suddenly lost a fore-wheel 
while passing through a street in Rochester, and the passengers were 
pitched headlong into a muddy ravine. Mr. Seward in describing the 
accident said, " Among a crowd which quickly assembled one taller and 
more effective, while more deferential and sympathizing, than the rest lent 
the party his assistance. This was the beginning of my acquaintance with 
Thurlow Weed. He had acquired the printer's art through severe trials, 
was then editing and conducting a newspaper at Rochester, which he 
printed chiefly with his own hand, and he had already become distin- 
guished for public spirit and eminent ability." 

Auburn, the residence of Mr. Seward, was then about as far from New 
York city in respect to time as Seattle is now. The postage on a letter to 
Albany was eighteen and three-quarter cents, and to New York City thirty- 
seven and a half cents. Travelers by stage usually went with their pockets 
filled with letters which they were conveying for friends to distant places 
to deliver when their destination should be reached. Frederick W. 
Seward in his valuable work recently issued in three handsome volumes, 
entitled William H. Seward, has presented much of the personality of his 
father through the frequent glimpses of his home life, conversation, and 
correspondence.* The first of these engaging volumes consists of an auto- 
biographical narrative covering the years from 1801 to 1834, followed by a 
brief memoir and a discriminating selection from many autograph letters 

* William H. Seward. By Frederick W. Seward. Vols. I., II., III. 8vo, pp. 832, 650, 
720. Profusely illustrated. Derby & Miller, 149 Church street, New York city. 



and documents. The second volume continues the story from 1846 to 
1 861, and throws a most effective light upon the stirring events of that 
memorable period. In the third volume we have a graphic picture of the 
secretary of state in the midst of his surroundings at a period when " it 
required all the wisdom of the wisest and all the bravery of the bravest 
and all the unrecorded sacrifices of thousands unknown to fame " to pre- 
vent destruction of the nation's life. 

During no other ten years of American progress did the character of 
the country change so rapidly and materially as in the decade from 1847 


to 1857. The west was the great disturber of the public repose in its 
sudden leap into settlement and consequence. Prosperity and population 
advanced with a celerity unparalleled, while men's opinions were not suffi- 
ciently nimble to keep abreast in the race. Problems as well as interests 
multiplied. The political mind was bewildered with the uncertainties of 
the situation. At the time William H. Seward was elected to the senate 
of the United States, in 1849, tne clt Y °f Washington contained only 
about forty thousand inhabitants, and in all social and industrial aspects 
it was a southern town. The streets were unpaved and dusty when they 
were not muddy, the houses were without numbers and widely scattered, 


and the slave-pen and the auction-block were prominent on a public 
thoroughfare. Mr. Seward was not yet forty-eight years old, his eye was 
bright, his step elastic, his hair had a brownish tinge but as yet hardly a 
touch of gray, and his manners were urbane, gentle, and winning.* As 
he crossed the threshold of the senate chamber and walked up the main 
aisle to take the oath of office and his senatorial chair, he saw around him 
such men as Daniel Webster, the tall and courtly figure of Henry Clay, 
the dark-complexioned, genial Corwin, the portly form of General Lewis 
Cass, the towering ex-president of Texas, Samuel Houston, the classic 
head of Colonel Benton, the long, gray locks and sharp, attenuated fea- 
tures of John C. Calhoun, the erect, slender figure of Jefferson Davis, the 
swarthy, foreign-looking face of Pierre Soule, the energetic, black-clothed 
" little giant " Stephen Douglas, and the familiar countenance of his own 
colleague the silver-haired Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Mr. Seward had already passed through scenes of great excitement as 
governor of his own state, and had won the reputation of a ready and 
impressive speaker, which he sustained admirably in this new field. His 
speeches ranged from a practical and statistical analysis of the questions 
affecting steam navigation, deep-sea exploration, the American fisheries, 
the duty on rails, and the debt of Texas, to flights of passionate eloquence 
in favor of extending sympathy to the exiled Irish patriots, and moral 
support to struggles for liberty like the Hungarian revolution. But 
his masterly arguments against the admission of slavery into the new 
states and territories gave him enduring fame. Early in the session he 
announced the rule which would govern his action in presenting anti- 
slavery views, a rule from which he did not swerve during his' twelve years' 
senatorial career. He remarked : " I assail the motives of no senator. 
I am not to be drawn into personal altercations by any interrogatories 
addressed to me. I acknowledge the patriotism, the wisdom, the purity of 
every member of this body. I never have assailed the motives of honor- 
able senators in any instance. I never shall. When my own are assailed, 
I stand upon my own position. My life and acts must speak for me. I 
shall not be my own defender or advocate." 

Early in January, 1850, Henry Clay rose from his chair in the senate 
chamber, and waving a roll of papers announced with dramatic eloquence 
to a hushed auditory that he held in his hand a series of resolutions pro- 

* The portrait of William H. Seward as he appeared during his senatorial career forms the 
frontispiece to this number, through the courtesy of the publishers, Derby & Miller. This maga- 
zine in July, 1885, published another portrait of Mr. Seward, made while he was secretary of state. 
We are further indebted to the publishers for other illustrations of this article. 



posing an amicable arrangement of all questions growing out of the 
subject of slavery. This plan of compromise was to admit California, 
establish territorial governments in New Mexico, and other regions 
acquired from Mexico, without any provisions for or against slavery ; 
to pay the debt of Texas and fix her western boundary ; to declare it 
"inexpedient" to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but " ex- 
pedient " to restrict the slave-trade there, and to formally deny that 
congress had any power to obstruct the slave-trade between the states. 
Then began that long, historic debate which continued for eight weary 


months. . Mr. Seward presently found himself the object of suspicions, 
sneers, and attacks. His record on the slavery question was looked up, 
and it showed him to have declared for emancipation. He was quickly 
made to feel the wrath of his opponents whenever he was speaking or 
even when sitting silently in his chair. On one occasion a senator rose 
and in a loud voice read this passage from one of Mr. Seward's former 
speeches, " Slavery can and must be abolished, and you and I must do 
it," which produced a genuine sensation. 

Mrs. Seward was in the gallery one morning and wrote to her sister 
that Mr. Seward said " a few words about Austria, which drew upon him 


the tornado; not because," she continued, " they cared what he said, but 
because one who entertained anti-slavery principles should venture to 
speak at all. I wish you could have heard the speeches ; that which is 
published gives you but a faint idea of the violence or vulgarity of that 
which was spoken. I amused myself by watching its effect upon the dif- 
ferent members of the senate. Mr. Seward looked the personification of 
indifference, with his face turned directly toward the speaker. Henry 
Clay smiled occasionally at the sallies of wit, which were about like those 
we hear from the clown at the circus. Daniel Webster looked grave — I 
saw no muscle of his face relax. The Vice-President was fidgety, occa- 
sionally grasping the little mallet with the intention apparently of inter- 
rupting the speaker, then relaxing his grasp and leaning back with a hope- 
less air as though overcome by his pertinacity. Colonel Benton (who, by 
the way, is one of the finest-looking men in the senate) must have written 
over half a quire of paper, as he never raised his eyes or checked the 
motion of his fingers." Rev. Dr. Nott in one of his letters about this time 
said to Mr. Seward, " I am glad to see you do not lose temper ; that you 
do not return railing for railing ; but that no array of talent, no manifes- 
tation of rage, deters you from speaking and acting as a freeman ought. 
You stand in no need of my advice, and were I to suppose you did I 
should only say persevere ; be calm, be courteous, just to the south, but 
true to your own principles." 

Mr. Seward's bold utterances were a constant surprise to the senate 
and to the public. Letters came from all parts of the country asking for 
copies of his speeches, and when he was finally persuaded to print them 
in pamphlets, such was the pressure of the demand for them Jhat the edi- 
tions frequently ran up into hundreds of thousands. In one of his letters 
to Thurlow Weed he said, " Did it ever fall to the lot of any man in such 
a conjuncture of his own fame and interests to fall into the senate of the 
United States in such a national and legislative crisis as this? My en- 
trance into the executive office in Albany bewildered me, but that experi- 
ence was nothing compared with my trials here. In both cases, however, 
I have enjoyed your aid, and in both the malignity of adversaries has done 
for me more than I could do for myself." 

His dissent from such honored leaders as Henry Clay and Daniel 
Webster brought upon Mr. Seward the censure of many of his own party. 
His vivid description of what a civil war in the United States would be, 
and his prediction that it would inevitably bring sudden and violent 
emancipation, attracted less attention than it would have done could it 
have been realized at the time that the scenes portrayed would ever 


actually occur. He wrote to Thurlow Weed March 15, 1850, " I have 
just read your note, and of course I am satisfied that the occasion for the 
difference between Mr. Webster's views and my own was an unfortunate 
one. But it was there and had to be met. The first element of political 
character is sincerity. In any event, this question is to continue through 
this year and longer. We know which class of opinion must gain and 
which must lose strength. Remember that my dissent on the fugitive 
slave question alone would have produced the same denunciation if I had 
gone with Mr. Webster. This thing is to go on to an end near a revolu- 
tion. While it is going on, could I with consistency or safety be less bold 
or firm ? After it shall be over, could I endure that the slightest evidence 
of irresolution should have been given on my part ? " 

Mr. Seward's plea for California, which the objections raised to her 
admission to the Union by Calhoun and others inspired, was a brilliant 
piece of eloquence. He began by saying: " Four years ago California, a 
Mexican province, scarcely inhabited and quite unexplored, was unknown 
even to our desires, except by a harbor, capacious and tranquil, which only 
statesmen then foresaw would be useful in the commerce of a far distant 
future." Sketching her unparalleled growth into a state, asking admission 
to the family of states, Mr. Seward continued : " Yes. Let California 
come in. Every new state, whether she come from the east, or from the 
west ; every new state, coming from whatever part of the continent she 
may, is always welcome. But California, that comes from a clime where 
the west dies away into the rising east ; California, that bounds at once 
the empire and the continent ; California, the youthful queen of the 
Pacific, in her robes of freedom, gorgeously inlaid with gold, is doubly 

At this time, as we all know, the anti-slavery men were a powerless 
minority, and the facts and philosophy of the situation in connection with 
subsequent events invest the slight, graceful figure of the senator from 
New York, which towered so high in the midst of the assembled statesmen, 
with a halo of light, and we begin to understand the secret of his peculiar 
power. He was never ultimately obtrusive with his clear-cut and positive 
opinions, or hesitant when discussion was appropriate, while his animated 
countenance at all times revealed his firm faith in his own foresight. 

His private letters from Washington during the stormy twelve years 
of his senatorial service present the man and measures of the period as in 
a mirror, in clear outline. Judicious extracts from these have been made 
by his son, for which the country will owe him a debt of gratitude. 
In 1859 Mr- Seward visited Europe, and his long and closely written 


correspondence described the incidents of each day's travel. He attended 
at the opening of parliament in the house of lords, and listened atten- 
tively to the queen's speech, saying: "She read it sitting, and read it 
beautifully. The scene was a very brilliant one. The figures were the 
queen in royal attire, with the great officers of state in their robes, the 
bishops in their robes and mitres, the judges in wigs and robes, the lords 
in scarlet robes, and the peeresses in magnificent costumes, all arranged 
with the art of a tableau." The next day Mr. Seward was at the 
queen's ball, and tells us: "The queen danced gayly and joyously many 
hours." He went to Scotland, journeyed on the continent, being enter- 
tained at the European courts and by representative public characters in 
all countries; passed some time in Italy, sailed over the blue Mediter- 
ranean to Egypt, and went through the vale of Sharon, up to Jerusalem 
and down the Jordan. After an absence of eight months he returned 
home in December, 1859, anc ^ found the whole country in a ferment. 
He resumed his seat in the senate early in January, i860. 

The exciting events of that year are familiar to the American public. 
Mr. Seward was styled the " great arch-agitator" by the southern journals, 
from one of the most prominent of which the following passage may be 
quoted: " Unlike others who are willing to follow in the wake of popular 
sentiment, Mr. Seward leads. He stands a head and shoulders above 
them all. He marshals his forces and directs the way. The abolition 
host follows. However we may differ from William H. Seward, we 
concede to him honesty of purpose, and the highest order of talent. He 
takes no half-way grounds. He does nothing by halves. Bold, fearless, 
talented, and possessed of all the requirements of a great political leader, 
turning neither to the right nor to the left, gifted with a self-possession 
possessed by few men, he listens to the assaults of his enemies with the 
most perfect nonchalance, and receives the warmest greetings of his friends 
with a wonderful composure. He has fought us at every step, disputed 
every inch of ground. He is at once the greatest and most dangerous 
man in the government." 

Mr. Seward's great speech for the admission of Kansas into the Union 
was graphically described by Henry B. Stanton in the New York Tribune, 
who said : " The audience filled every available spot in the senate 
galleries, and overflowed into all the adjacent lobbies and passages, 
crowding them with throngs eager to follow Mr. Seward's argument, or 
even to catch an occasional sentence or word. It was on the floor itself 
that the most interesting spectacle was presented. Every senator seemed 
to be in his seat. Hunter, Davis, Toombs, Mason, Hammond, Slidell, 



Clingman, Benjamin, and Brown paid closest attention to the speaker. 
Crittenden listened to every word. Douglas affected to be self-possessed, 
but his nervousness of mien gave token that the truths now uttered 
awakened memories of the Lecompton contest, when Lecompton, Seward, 
and Crittenden, the famous triumvirate, led their allies in their attacks on 
the administration. The members of the house streamed over to the 
north wing of the Capitol, almost in a body, leaving Mr. Regan of Texas 
to discourse to empty benches while Seward held his levee in the senate. 
His speech was upon the problem awaiting solution by the whole 



, f? ' $ : r : ;fc|*3 © 


body of our people. It was the utterance of a man of sharply 
defined opinions pronounced twenty years ago, then finding feeble echoes, 
but which have been reiterated until they have become the creed and 
rallying cry of a party on the eve of assuming the control of the national 
government. His exposition of the relation of the Constitution to slavery 
contained in a few lucid sentences all that is valuable upon that subject 
in Marshall, Story, and Kent. The historic sketch of parties and politics, 
and the influence of slavery upon both from the rise of the Missouri 
compromise onward to its fall, exhibited all of Hallam's fidelity to fact, 
lighted up with the warm coloring of Bancroft. The episodical outline of 


the Kansas controversy and of the Dred Scott pronanciamento have never 
been compressed into words so few and weighty. Nothing could be more 
felicitous than his invitation to the south to come to New York and 
proclaim its doctrines from Lake Erie to Sag Harbor, assuring its 
champions of safe conduct in their raid upon his constituents ; while the 
suggestion that if the south would allow republicans the like access to its 
people, the party would soon cast as many votes below the Potomac as 
it now does north of that river, was one of the happiest retorts, whose 
visible effect upon senators must have been seen to be appreciated. 
Finally this speech closed by an exposition alike original, sincere, and 
hearty, of the manifold advantages of the Federal Union, the firm hold 
it has upon the people, and the certainty that it will survive the rudest 
shocks of faction." 

Mr. Seward's prominent position in the republican party made him the 
most conspicuous candidate for the next presidential nomination. The 
memorable Chicago convention met on the 16th of May, i860, and al- 
though Mr. Seward received one hundred and seventy-three votes in the first 
ballot against one hundred and two given to Mr. Lincoln, the latter was 
eventually nominated. Mr. Seward soon afterward canvassed the western 
states in behalf of Mr. Lincoln, telling the young men of the country that 
if it had devolved upon him to select from all the men in the United States 
a president to whom he would confide the standard of the cause of free- 
dom against slavery, that man would have been Abraham Lincoln. Mr. 
Seward was everywhere received with enthusiasm. In Kansas honors in- 
numerable were accorded him. At Atchison, for instance, the streets were 
filled with arches, one of which, formed of oak-boughs, bore the inscription, 
" Welcome to Seward, the defender of Kansas and of Freedom. " As the 
canvass progressed the greatness of the crisis grew more manifest. The 
leading men of each political organization were speaking to excited audi- 
ences in every part of the land. Douglas himself was traveling from point 
to point, earnestly advocating his own principles. Breckinridge had the 
leading political orators of the south almost unitedly in his service. Then 
came the election and its results. 

President Lincoln made Mr. Seward secretary of state, which depart- 
ment was then located in the old two-story brick building that stood on 
ground now occupied by the northern end of the treasury department. The 
two rooms in the north-eastern corner of the second floor were usually 
occupied by the secretary — one for study, the other for receiving visitors. 
The building was of plain drab color, with no ornamentation save a portico 
of six white columns on the northern side. On the morning after his ap- 


pointment Mr. Seward quietly entered and took his chair, summoning Mr. 
Hunter, in whose charge the department had been left on the retirement 
of Judge Black. Mr. Hunter, originally appointed by John Quincy 
Adams, had been in the department ever since then as chief clerk or assist- 
ant secretary. His life had been devoted to its service ; he was its memory 
and guiding hand, while successive presidents and secretaries came and 
passed away. Mr. Seward made inquiry as to how many of the clerks 
were loyal to the Union, and every disunion sympathizer was promptly 
dismissed. He made no inquiry into their politics, but their stay in the 
department was to depend upon their fidelity in the discharge of their 
official duties. No case of disloyalty subsequently occurred in this branch 
of the government, and the same incumbents have continued in place 
from that day to this, such vacancies only being filled that have occurred 
through death, resignation, or promotion. One day during his first week 
in office Mr. Seward asked his son to provide him with a blank-book, re- 
marking that as the epoch would probably be one of historic importance, 
he would begin to keep a diary. A suitable book was obtained and laid 
upon his table. On the following morning he came out of his room with 
it in his hand, and giving it back, said : " There is the first page of my 
diary and the last. One day's record satisfies me that if I should every 
day set down my hasty impressions, based on half information, I should 
do injustice to everybody around me, and to none more than my most 
intimate, friends." The book still remains with its one written page. 

Describing the condition of public affairs at the beginning of the new 
administration, Mr. Seward said: " It found itself confronted by an in- 
surrectionary combination of seven states practicing insidious strategy to 
secure eight others. Disaffection lurked, if it did not openly avow itself, 
in every department and every bureau, in every regiment and in every 
legation and consulate from London to Calcutta. Of four thousand four 
hundred and seventy officers in the public service, civil and military, two 
thousand one hundred and fifty-four were representatives of states where 
the revolutionary movement was openly advocated and urged, even if not 
actually organized. No provision had ever been made to anticipate this 
unprecedented disturbance. The magistracy was demoralized and the 
laws were powerless." 

As important events crowded and overlapped one another, and the 
pressure of the public danger and its far-reaching consequences kept the 
president and the cabinet almost constantly in consultation, Mr. Seward 
wrote to his wife : " I think that care and responsibility will make me 
forget everybody and everything but the country and its perils. I leave 


you in order to discuss national affairs with our minister to France. I 
have already instructed the ministers to Belgium, Prussia, England, and 
Austria. I have to fight everybody to get time to study." Presently 
dire perils began to thicken around the city of Washington in all direc- 
tions. The enemy held meetings, mustered state troops, stopped trains, 
burned railway bridges ; then came word that railroad communication 
through Baltimore to the north was entirely cut off and the telegraph 
ceased to work. 

Several humorous incidents of this period of terror are related by Fred- 
erick W. Seward. At a meeting of President Lincoln's cabinet, sitting 
around the historic green table, one of the ministers asked General Scott 
who had been summoned to the conference : " How are we defended on 
the river below here? What force is there in Fort Washington at pres- 
ent?" " I think, sir," responded the general with his customary precision, 
" I think, sir, that Fort Washington could be taken with a bottle of whis- 
key. At last accounts it was in charge of a single old soldier who is en- 
tirely reliable when he is sober." 

On one occasion an indefatigable applicant for a place was urging his 
claims upon the secretary so late in the evening that when the interview 
terminated and he attempted to leave the department, sentries posted for 
the night would not allow him to pass out without the countersign. In- 
formed of the dilemma the secretary hastily wrote on a slip of paper, " Let 
the bearer pass," and signed it. In 1863 this pass was returned to the 
secretary by the commanding officer at Fredericksburg, who found the 
holder had traveled on it, up and down, within the lines of the army of 
the Potomac for two years ! 

Menaces of disaster seemed to start up on every side, not the least of 
which was the action of foreign governments. Many of the statesmen of 
Great Britain, for instance, seemed to think the disruption of the United 
States would be a benefit to England, the logical consequence of which 
was sympathy with those who were trying to disrupt it. Mr. Seward 
learned through the legation of St. Petersburg that an understanding had 
been effected between the governments of Great Britain and France, that 
they should take one and the same course on the subject of the American 
war. From a joint announcement of neutrality it would be only a step to 
joint mediation or intervention. On the morning of the 15th of June, 1861, 
a scene occurred at the state department, which though little known to the 
public had more influence on the fortunes of the Union than a pitched 
battle. Mr. Seward was sitting at his table reading dispatches when the 
messenger announced: "The British minister is here to see you, sir, and 


the French minister, also." " Which came first ?" asked the secretary. 
" Lord Lyons, sir ; but they say they both want to see you together." 
Mr. Seward instinctively guessed the motive for so unusual a diplomatic 
proceeding. He paused a moment, then said : " Show them into the as- 
sistant secretary's room and I will come in presently." 

A few minutes later, as the two ministers were seated side by side on 
the sofa, the door opened and Secretary Seward entered. Smiling and 
shaking his head, he said : " No — no — no. This will never do. I cannot 
see you in that way." The ministers rose to greet him. "True," said one 
of them, " it is unusual, but we are obeying our instructions." " And, at 
least," said the other, " you will allow us to state the object of our visit ? " 
" No," said Secretary Seward, "we must start right about it, whatever it 
is. M. Mercier, will you do me the favor to come to dine with me this 
evening? There we can talk over your business at leisure. And if Lord 
Lyons will step into my room with me now, we will discuss what he has 
to say to me." " If you refuse to see us together," began the French 
minister, with a courteous smile and shrug — " Certainly, I do refuse to 
see you together, though I will see either of you separately, with pleasure, 
here or elsewhere." Thus the interviews were held severally, not jointly, 
and the papers which they had been instructed to jointly present and 
formally read to him were left for his informal inspection. A brief ex- 
amination of them only was necessary to enable him to say courteously 
but with decision, that he declined to hear them read or to receive official 
notice of them. He wrote at once to Minister Dayton in Paris, saying : 
u France proposes to take cognizance of both parties as belligerents, and 
for some purposes to hold communication with each. . . . This gov- 
ernment insists that the United States are one whole, undivided nation, 
especially so far as foreign nations are concerned ; and that France is, by 
the law of nations and by treaties, not a neutral power between two im- 
aginary parties here, but a friend of the United States." To Minister 
Adams in London he also wrote at considerable length, defining his 
position, adding : " This government is sensible of the importance of the 
step it takes in declining to receive the communication in question." 

Of the daily life of Secretary Seward at this time we have many par- 
ticulars in the admirable work of his son. His residence was in Lafayette 
square. He used to rise between six and seven, dress and shave with his 
own hand, and when the family assembled in the breakfast room, he would be 
found hastily running over the morning papers, throwing each aside as soon 
as dispatched. " You do not stop to read details of news, governor," said 
a friend. " I have only time to see whether there is anything that concerns 


us. in the government. The rest is for others to read," he replied. Break- 
fast was soon over, unless, as often happened, friends had come from New 
York by the night train, and availed themselves of the brief opportunity 
of seeing him before going to the department. Walking thither he was 
ensconced in his chair generally before the throng of morning visitors 
began to assemble. A huge pile of opened letters and dispatches that 
had come by the morning mail lay in a mahogany box at his right hand. 
A similar box empty at his left was ready to receive them as he marked 
upon each the disposition he desired to have made of it. Of course the 
bushels of communications to the secretary of state had already been 
sifted by the chief clerk of the department." 

It would be interesting to quote further if space permitted, to note 
how cards of visitors who came to confer on public affairs interrupted the 
examination of correspondence, how the arrival of foreign ministers before 
noon to interview the secretary about some ship or subject or treaty or 
policy that was interfered with by the war, and which required careful 
judgment and prompt action, and the vast amount of other business that 
passed under his eye and through his hands each day without his ever 
seeming worried or anxious or flustered with it. He wrote to his 
daughter, " My occupations are various. I keep on writing dispatches to 
foreign nations for my regular occupation. But the war brings labors, 
cares, and duties of a domestic nature upon us all. I am counseling with 
the cabinet one hour, with the army officers the next, the navy next, and 
I visit all the troops as fast as they come." 

The prominent events of that exciting period have been narrated so 
often that they need no repetition in these pages. Our readers are 
familiar with the exigency which led the government to send three unof- 
ficial envoys to the courts of Europe, to promote healthful opinions con- 
cerning the great cause for which our country was engaged in arms. These 
private embassadors were Thurlow Weed, Bishop Mcllvaine, and Arch- 
bishop Hughes. Agents from the confederacy were already in Europe 
when they arrived, and Mr. Weed wrote to Secretary Seward presently, 
December 2, 1861 : " The storm in England and France intensifies. The 
public mind, as I wrote to you, was poisoned in advance. I saw a letter 
from a high source from London in which it is again said that you want to 
provoke a war with England for the purpose of getting Canada. This 
writer asks the correspondent to inquire whether your personal relations 
with Lord Lyons were unpleasant. . . . You are in a tight place and I 
pray that you may be imbued with the wisdom the emergency requires. 
This is true." Three days later Mr. Weed wrote: " If in earnest, as they 


seem, they are really preparing for war here. War gives them cotton and 
a market in the south." Again on December 6, Mr. Weed wrote : 
" Everything here is upon a war footing. Such prompt and gigantic 
preparations were never known. There is general distrust of and hostility 
to yourself; how created or why I know not. It has been skillfully 
worked. I was told yesterday repeatedly that I ought to write the 
President demanding your dismissal." 

Shortly after the decision in the Trent case was made a note from the 
French minister was received by Secretary Seward, enclosing a copy of 
his instructions from the French government, which plainly foreshadowed 
that France would make common cause with Great Britain in any war 
that should grow out of it. Mr. Seward replied briefly that the case 
had been decided, which rendered discussion unnecessary.' All the 
European mails brought overwhelming evidences of unfriendly feeling. 
"If I had not nerves of steel," wrote Mr. Seward to Thurlow Weed on 
January 2, 1862, "I should give up my place and let some less offending 
man take it." Mr. L. E. Chittenden, who was in the treasury at the time 
and cognizant of many facts not generally known, says: " The two 
countries were saved from a war which could have had none but evil conse- 
quences, by the good sense of President Lincoln and of two statesmen, 
Lord Lyons and William H. Seward. Lord Lyons had the traditional 
love of the Anglo-Saxon for fair play. He thoroughly understood the 
controversy between north and south, and knew that upon its issue 
depended the supremacy in the republic of freedom or slavery. His 
sympathies were heartily with the north, but he was at the same time a 
faithful representative of his own nation, and watchful in the protection 
of her interests. We have no special information as to what passed in the 
private interviews of Secretary Seward and Lord Lyons, but may pretty 
safely assume that the reading of Earl Russell's pronunciamento did not 
disturb the equanimity of either. Probably after knocking the ashes from 
his cigar Lord Lyons observed : ' You will give up the men, of course. As 
prisoners they may be of consequence enough to cause a war ; set free 
they are no good to anybody. You did not authorize their capture ; their 
surrender involves no dishonor. Say yes, and you may deliver them up 
in your own time and in your own way.' Seward probably replied, 
' Your lordship is perfectly right. Your views are such as we had a right 
to anticipate from your justice and your knowledge of the facts. We 
don't want these people. But we have mischief-makers among us who 
will try to arouse opposition to the surrender, especially if it is made the 
occasion of display in one of our larger ports or to one of your larger 


vessels.' I had it from good authority at the time, that Lord Lyons 
declared his complete indifference as to the time and place of surrender, 
and said it was all the same to him whether it was in New York bay or in 
the harbor of a fishing village on Cape Cod. The representatives of the 
two countries had come to a perfect understanding and separated on the 
best of terms." 

Volumes might be written on the events of the year 1862. Mr. Sew- 
ard wrote to his wife in July: " The agitations and discussions of a vast 
republic are unintelligible to us all. The waves chase each other, rebound 
and break against each other. They seem to render it impossible for gov- 
ernment to adhere to and persevere in any policy. Yet the nation is re- 
covering its equanimity, naturally enough shaken by the sights and sounds 
of adverse results in a painful war." The day came presently when there 
seemed but one course to pursue. The President had listened patiently to 
delegations and statesmen and generals who urged a proclamation that 
would give the slaves their freedom, but he steadfastly refused to give any 
assurance that it would be issued. He, however, prepared a draft of one 
for consideration, and read it aloud at a cabinet meeting. Various sug- 
gestions were made. Mr. Seward approved the tone and purpose, but 
thought the time inopportune for issuing it. This cabinet meeting is 
portrayed in Carpenter's historical picture, " The Emancipation Proclama- 
tion," which hangs on one of the stair-cases of the Capitol at Washington. 
President Lincoln sits at the head of the long green table, holding the 
document in his hand. Mr. Seward occupies his usual place at the Presi- 
dent's right hand, and is making his suggestion " to wait until after a 
victory." Mr. Wells and Mr. Bates are in their usual seats at the side and 
end of the table. Mr. Smith and Mr. Blair have arisen and are standing 
by the fire-place. Mr. Chase with folded arms stands near the President, 
and Mr. Stanton has drawn away his chair and sits facing Secretary Sew- 
ard, to whom he is listening. 

The suggestion of Mr. Seward was adopted and the measure awaited 
a favorable turn in the national fortunes. The emancipation of the slaves 
could be effected only by executive authority and on the ground of mili- 
tary necessity. Shortly after the battle of Antietam, in the latter part of 
September, President Lincoln called a special meeting of the cabinet and 
every minister was present. Mr. Lincoln remarked : " You all remember 
several weeks ago I read to you an order I had prepared, which on account 
of objections made by some of you was not issued. Ever since then my 
mind has been much occupied with this subject, and I have thought the 
time for acting upon it would come. I think the time has come now." 



Vol. XXV 


He then read the draft aloud, commenting on each paragraph as he went 
on. Mr. Seward asked : " Would it not make the proclamation more clear 
and decided to leave out all reference to the act being sustained during 
the incumbency of the present President, and not merely say that the gov- 
ernment * recognizes ' but that it will maintain the freedom it proclaims? " 
Mr. Chase said : '' The proclamation does not indeed mark out exactly the 
course I would myself prefer, but I am ready to take it just as it is written 
and to stand by it with all my heart. I think, however, the suggestions 
of Secretary Seward very judicious, and shall be glad to have them 
adopted." Each of the ministers was asked by the President for his 
opinion, and all approved the suggested changes. The draft was handed 
to Secretary Seward, who had it duly engrossed in official form, bearing 
the signature of the President and his own. 

We must pass rapidly on to the year 1865, the second inauguration of 
Lincoln, and the swift series of military successes which brought the war 
to an end. On the 5th of April, Mr. Seward while out for his customary 
drive was thrown from his carriage and seriously injured. The ninth day 
after the accident he was still helpless and suffering and by no means out 
of danger. Night came, the physicians had taken their leave, the gas-lights 
were turned low and all was quiet. Mr. Seward's daughter Fanny was with 
him in the sick-room and an invalid soldier nurse, George T. Robinson. The 
other members of the family had gone to their respective rooms. Just 
then a tall, well-dressed man presented himself at the door below, and tell- 
ing the servant he came with a message from the doctor was allowed to 
ascend the stairs to Mr. Seward's room. He was met by Frederick W. 
Seward, who refused him admission, explaining that the sleeping invalid 
must not be disturbed. The man paused a moment, and when advised to 
leave his message and report to the doctor, said : " Very well, sir, I will 
go ;" and turning away took two or three steps down the stairs. Suddenly 
turning again, he sprang up and forward, having drawn a navy revolver, 
which he leveled with a muttered oath and pulled the trigger. And 
now in swift succession, like the scenes of some hideous dream, came the 
bloody incidents of the night — of the pistol missing fire; of the struggle in 
the dimly lighted hall between the armed man and the unarmed one; of 
the blows which broke the pistol of the one and fractured the skull of the 
other ; of the bursting in of the door ; of the mad rush of the assassin to the 
bedside and his savage slashing with a bowie-knife at the face and the 
throat of the helpless secretary, instantly reddening the white bandages 
with streams of blood; of the screams of the daughter for help; of the 
attempt of the invalid soldier nurse to drag the assailant from his victim, 




receiving sharp wounds himself in return ; of the noise made by the awak- 
ening household, inspiring the assassin with hasty impulse to escape, leav- 
ing his work done or undone ; of his frantic rush down the stairs, cutting 
and slashing at all whom he found in his way, wounding one in the face 
and stabbing another in the back ; of his escape through the open door- 
way and his flight on horseback down the avenue. Five minutes later 
the aroused household were gazing horrified at the bleeding faces and 
figures in their midst — were lifting the insensible form of Mr. Seward from 
a pool of blood and sending for surgical help. Meanwhile a panic-stricken 
crowd was surging from the street to the hall and rooms below, vainly in- 
quiring or wildly conjecturing what had happened. For these the horrors 
of the night seemed to culminate when later comers rushed in with the 
intelligence that the President had also been attacked at the same hour — 
had been shot at Ford's Theatre — had been carried to a house in Tenth 
Street and was lying there unconscious and dying! 

We all know the sequel. The whole civilized world was shocked by 
the news of these bloody crimes. For several days Mr. Seward lay in a 
critical state. His son who heroically disputed the murderer's entrance 
to his chamber lay forty-eight hours motionless and unconscious. Mr. 
Seward's recovery was slow, and long before he could reach the state 
department except as he was carried, he resumed his work, swathed in 
bandages. One of the first occasions on which his own signature was 
again appended to an official document was the promulgation of President 
Johnson's amnesty proclamation. 

The first treaty negotiation after the war was the joint convention 
with Morocco for the establishment of a light-house at Cape Spartel. 
It was signed at Tangier by representatives of the United States, 
Austria, Belgium, Spain, France, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, 
Portugal, and Sweden ; the sultan of Morocco agreeing to protect and 
defend the light, the other powers to divide the expense of its mainte- 

A more interesting incident, however, was when in December, 1865, 
news came that Alabama had ratified the proposed constitutional amend- 
ment abolishing slavery, which being the twenty-seventh state filled up 
the needed complement of three-fourths. One morning shortly after, a 
great parchment sheet was spread out on Mr. Seward's table, awaiting the 
signature of the secretary of state to make valid the amendment to all 
intents and purposes as a part of the Constitution of the United States, 
and it must have been with special gratification that he affixed his name 
to this crowning and closing act of the long struggle. 





Mr. Seward made a voyage to the West Indies in the early part of 
1866, and on his return to Washington found numerous important matters to 
engage his attention, chief among which was the negotiation for the annexa- 
tion of Russian America. On Friday evening, March 29, 1867, as Mr. Seward 
was playing whist inhis parlor with some of his family, the Russian minister 
was announced. " I have a dispatch from my government by cable," said 
the visitor. " The emperor gives his consent to the cession. To-morrow if 
you like I will come to the department, and we can enter upon the treaty." 

"Why wait until to-morrow, Mr. Stoeckl ? Let us make the treaty 
to-night," said Mr. Seward smiling. " But your department is closed, you 
have no clerks, and my secretaries are scattered about the town," replied 
the minister. " Never mind that," replied Mr. Seward. " If you can 
muster your legation together before midnight, you will find me awaiting 
you at the department, which will be open and ready for business." 

Light was presently streaming from the department of state, and by 
four o'clock in the morning the Alaska treaty was engrossed, signed, 
sealed, and ready for transmission by the President to the senate. The 
picture, from the painting by Leutze, presents the scene with fidelity. Mr. 
Seward by his writing-table, pen in hand, is listening to the Russian 
minister, whose extended hand is just over the great globe at the secre- 
tary's elbow. Mr. Chan, the chief clerk, is approaching with the engrossed 
copy of the treaty for signature ; in the background Mr. Hunter and Mr. 
Bodisco are comparing the English and French versions, while Mr. Sum- 
ner and the assistant secretary are sitting in conference. 

The following June the negotiations with Nicaragua resulted in a 
" treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation." With Belgium three 
treaties were negotiated, one of which was the naturalization treaty, all 
of which were signed at Brussels by the American minister, Mr. Sanford. 
Mr. Seward negotiated treaties for the purchase of the Danish West India 
Islands and the Bay of Samana, and he made a treaty with Colombia to 
secure American control of the Isthmus of Darien, which, however, failed 
of approval by the senate. 

Within the eight years of Mr. Seward's secretaryship he negotiated 
upwards of forty treaties, nearly all of historic importance, of which three 
were with Great Britain, three with Mexico, three with Italy, and three 
with Peru. On his retirement from public life Mr, Seward visited Alaska, 
a trip attended with many noteworthy incidents. He also visited Califor- 
nia, Mexico, Cuba, and made a journey round the world. 


Captain Adam A. Larrabee (father of the Honorable William Larrabee 
of Clermont, Iowa, eighteen years a state senator, and more recently gov- 
ernor of the state) graduated from the United States military academy at 
West Point, March 1, 1811. In accepting his appointment he wrote to 
the secretary of war, General Henry Dearborn, as follows: 

" Windham, Conn., February 8, 1808. 

SIR : I have been honored with an appointment of cadet of artillery 
attached to the military school at West Point, and in compliance with 
your request I transmit you my answer as accepting said appointment, at 
the same time pledging my sacred honor and my life in defense of my 
country and its liberties. I avail myself of this opportunity of tendering 
my sincere acknowledgments to his excellency the President of the 
United States for the important favor which he has been pleased to confer 
upon me, at the same time assuring him that when my country calls no 
exertions shall be too arduous to deter me from fulfilling my duty. 

I am, sir, with the most profound respect, your obedient and humble 

Adam A. Larrabee 

Hon. Henry Dearborn, 
Secretary of War." 

In pursuance of this appointment the young man, then twenty-one 
years of age, reported at the academy in due season and remained until 
his graduation. Upon the completion of his studies he was appointed 
second lieutenant of light artillery. His promotion to a first lieutenancy 
followed a couple of months later. His service at that time was in garri- 
sons on the Atlantic coast, though he also participated in the campaign 
along the northern frontier in 181 2. His next service was under General 
Wilkinson on the St. Lawrence, where he was engaged in the attack 
on La Colle Mills, March 30, 18 14. In this engagement he was shot 
through the lungs, the bullet lodging against the shoulder-blade, whence 
it was removed by the surgeon, really passing through his body.* He 
was reported killed, but fortunately recovered from the terrible wound. 
It was almost a miracle for the surgeons of those days to save the life of 

*Rossiter Johnson's War of 1812, p. 252. 






a soldier so badly wounded, though it speaks volumes as to the powerful 
vitality and fine physical condition of the patient. 

In this fight General Wilkinson had attacked some two hundred of the 
British forces who were strongly posted in the stone mill at La Colle. 
Two pieces of artillery were brought up and planted within two hundred 
yards of the mill. General Wilkinson surrounded it, expecting to dislodge 
and capture the enemy, in which he failed on account of the strength of 
the walls. Captain McPherson fell, shot through the thigh, and was car- 
ried off the field. Lieutenant Larrabee took his place, but was very soon 
wounded, when the command devolved upon Lieutenant Sheldon. After 
being thus wounded Lieutenant Larrabee was hauled about twenty miles in 
an open sleigh to the house of the illustrious Chancellor Reuben H. Wal- 
worth, where he was tenderly cared for by the family. It was no doubt 
due to this excellent nursing that his life was saved. He was soon after 
promoted to a captaincy, but resigned his commission in 1815. 

Captain Larrabee was married to Hannah Gallup Lester in 181 7, who 
bore him nine children, all of whom survived him except John, who died 
in 1852. In 1822 the subject of this brief sketch was chosen a member of 
the Connecticut house of representatives. President Jackson appointed 
him a member of the board of visitors to the military academy in 1828. 
He also served as presidential elector in the great Tippecanoe campaign 
of 1840. 

The business of his civil life was farming rather than politics, and in 
this he won very conspicuous success. He was for over fifty years con- 
tinuously one of the trustees of the old savings bank of Norwich, Con- 
necticut, the deposits in which at the time of his death had increased to 
almost $9,000,000. He was also connected with several other leading 
banks. Tradition assures us that he was a most excellent financial mana- 
ger, an enviable trait which was transmitted to more than one of his sons. 
He was not only a hard worker, but very frugal and saving in his own 
habits, as any one would judge upon seeing his portrait in the Iowa State 
Library Collections; but to proper objects of charity, and the cause of 
religion, he was always a most liberal giver. He was punctual in the dis- 
charge of every trust that was committed to him, always present at the 
meetings of the bank trustees, and taking a thorough interest in all its 
transactions. The scars which he carried to his grave, as well as the pro- 
motions he received, afford abundant evidence that his youthful pledge to 
the President of the United States, who had appointed him to his cadet- 
ship, were faithfully and patriotically carried out. 

When peace was declared he had no liking for the monotony of regu- 


lar army life, but promptly resigned to take his chances in a business 
career. His systematic training at West Point was visible in all his after 
years, and his ideas of hard work, economy, business integrity, order, and 
punctuality were a most precious legacy to his sons, who have been abun- 
dantly prospered through the same praiseworthy qualities. He was born 
in Ledyard, Connecticut, March 14, 1787, and died in Windham, Con- 
necticut, October 25, 1869. 

In the same compartment of the Iowa State Library Collections which 
contains his autograph letter there is one addressed to him, as follows : 

" Norwich, Connecticut, 226. July, 1813. 

Sir: I have received your letter of the 12th instant. The militia are 
again ordered to New London, and I hope will make a good fight if the 
enemy should attack. 

I am 

With esteem 

Your most ob't servant 

Jacob Kingsbury, 
Inspector General. 
To Lt. Adam Larrabee, Groton, Connecticut." 

4^>v ^^A 

Iowa State Library, Des Moines, Iowa. 



During the latter part of the fifteenth and early part of the sixteenth 
centuries the spirit of adventure, particularly in the way of discovery be- 
yond seas, became an absorbing passion in all the nations of western 
Europe. Nowhere, however, was this more prevalent or fruitful than 
among the Portuguese, then the most intelligent and enterprising people 
in Christendom. They had explored the whole western coast of Africa, 
colonized the islands near it, rounded the cape of Good Hope, and by 
opening the way to India by that route had revolutionized the trade of 
the east. Still pushing onward they discovered the Moluccas and even 
established themselves in China. 

While thus active in their southerly explorations it could hardly be 
expected that a people so energetic would altogether neglect the opposite 
quarter of the world. In the northwest was a " sea of darkness," exciting 
the inquiry of the curious and the awe of the superstitious as to the 
wonders hidden behind it. Among the islands of which it was believed 
America was composed, a passage might be found to India and the spice 
countries, also unknown islands and even continents of gold, pearls, and 
heathen men, from the merchandise of which might be reaped rich returns. 
There were rumors from more than one source of such lands and peoples 
having been actually seen. Traditions were handed along among the 
maritime races to the north of the settlements of the Norsemen in Green- 
land and their voyages to Vinland and other distant regions. Scholars are 
now coming to believe that Basque and Breton fishermen in the fifteenth 
century, even before the voyages of Columbus, visited the banks and coasts 
of Newfoundland. Such information, though probably in vague and un- 
certain shape, could scarcely have failed to reach the Portuguese.* 

Ignorant of the size of the earth, they regarded the lands discovered to 
the west as part of Asia, and the distance to be sailed to reach the regions 
of fabled wealth much less than it is in reality. And with an intense 
desire to reach them was mingled the fear that Spain might in this direc- 
tion find a shorter way to invade Portuguese dominions in the east. These 
considerations gained force in the reign of Emmanuel " the fortunate," 

* Several Portuguese writers maintain that some of their own voyagers had reached America 
prior to Columbus. But critical historians do not consider the evidence sufficient to establish this. 


who ascended the throne in 1495, and was ready to follow any indication 
of openings for discovery in the northwest. When, therefore, Cabot had 
fully established the existence of land in that quarter this monarch became 
inspired with the idea of reaching it. Accordingly, on the 25th October, 
1499, he granted a commission to John Fernandez to seek and discover 
lands and islands in that direction, and appointed him governor of all that 
he might discover. Nothing seems to have come of this, for less than 
seven months after, on the 12th May, 1500, we find Gaspar Cortereal given 
the command of an expedition to the northwest with the same powers 
and privileges. He was of a noble family in the Azores, his father being 
hereditary governor of the island of Terceira, and the family distinguished 
by a spirit of maritime enterprise. It is significant that Gaspar is stated 
to have been already engaged in explorations on his own account and at 
his own expense and at the risk of his life, and he engaged to pay part of 
the expense of this expedition. In consideration of all the circumstances 
the king granted to him and his heirs in perpetuity the government abso- 
lute over all the lands and islands he might discover or rediscover, with 
the right of high and low justice without appeal, and one-quarter clear of 
all the revenue direct and indirect.* 

Three days later, with one or two vessels, he sailed for the unknown 
coasts. It appears that he first touched at the family island of Terceira, 
which was under the government of his elder brother Vasqueanes, and 
thence proceeded to the northwest. In due time he saw land, which from 
his course, crossing as it would the broad eastern portion of the Gulf 
Stream, and from the prevalent westerly winds which he must have en- 
countered, there can scarcely be a doubt was on the east coast of New- 
foundland at what has ever since been known as Conception bay, probably 
so called from the day of its discovery. According to report he thence 
voyaged northward to high latitudes, where he struck land which he sup- 
posed to be Greenland and accordingly called it Terra Verde. Finally he 
is represented as having reached a river at sixty degrees north latitude, 
which he called Rio Nevada, or snow river, where his progress was stopped 
by ice. This is supposed to have been in the latitude of Hudson strait. 
On his return he touched at a harbor to refit his ship and refresh his crew, 
and duly arrived at Lisbon in the autumn of the same year.f 

* Copies of this commission, with a number of other documents connected with the family, 
will be found in Do Canto Os Cortereals, published at Santa Delgada St. Michaele in 1883, and in 
the appendix to Harrisse's Les Cortercals. 

f For most of our information regarding this voyage we are indebted to Ramusio's collection 
of voyages. 


This voyage was sufficiently successful to induce a renewal of the 
enterprise in the following year. Accordingly, on the 15th May, 1 501, the 
navigator again sailed from Lisbon with three vessels, directing his course 
west northwest. After proceeding two thousand miles the voyagers 
reached a land along which they cruised in a northwesterly direction six 
or seven hundred miles without reaching the end of it. Hence they con- 
cluded that it must be connected with Terra Verde, which they had visited 
the year before. They then returned homeward, but stopped on their way 
to capture a number of natives. Two of the vessels continued their course 
homeward and reached Lisbon in a month, having sailed twenty-eight 
hundred miles. They reported having met with rivers so large as to indi- 
cate that the land they discovered was no island. They described the 
country as covered with abundant forests, especially of pine suitable for 
ship-building, and its waters well stored with fish of various kinds.* They 
brought home between fifty and sixty natives, described by a writer who 
saw them as " of like color, stature, and aspect, and bearing the greatest 
resemblance to the gypsies; " adding, " His Serene Majesty contemplates 
deriving great advantage from the country not only on account of the 
timber, but of the inhabitants, who are admirably calculated for labor, and 
are the best slaves I have ever seen." 

The third vessel, in which was Gaspar who remained to sail along the 
coasts of the new country long enough to determine whether it was an 
island or terra firma, never returned. When months had passed without 
any tidings of the commander or his vessel, his younger brother Miguel, 
who had already manifested a deep interest in the enterprise and had con- 
tributed liberally to its expense, obtained permission from the king to go in 
search of the missing explorers, and at the same time secured a concession 
of the privileges granted to Gaspar. He sailed from Lisbon on the 10th 
May, 1502, with three vessels. Arriving on the American coast, the better 
to conduct the search, it was deemed advisable to separate, and appoint- 
ing a rendezvous for the 20th of August the vessels took different courses. 
Two of these met at the appointed time and place, but the third, in which 
was their commander, did not appear, and the others after waiting for 
some time returned home. 

The following year the king sent out another expedition of two vessels, 
to ascertain if possible the fate of the two missing navigators, which, how- 
ever, returned without tidings or trace of them, their vessels, or their 

* For most of our information of the second voyage we are indebted to a letter from Pietro 
Pasqualego, the Venetian ambassador, and one from Alberto Cantino, agent of the Duke of Ferrara, 
both of which will be found in Harrisse and Do Canto. 


crews. Then the eldest of the three brothers, Vasqueanes, asked permis- 
sion of the king to renew the search, but that monarch refused to risk the 
lives of any more of his subjects. Thus the fate of the two brothers has 
remained and must ever remain a mystery. 

With the voyage in search of the lost Cortereals, exploration in north- 
eastern America on the part of Portugal ceased as far as the government 
was concerned, with the exception probably of the voyage of Fagundez 
hereafter to be noticed. But the enterprise of these energetic but unfor- 
tunate men was attended with important results. In the first place, it 
gave the nations of Europe a better idea of the geography of these regions. 
This appears in the early Portuguese maps, which enable us to determine 
with some degree of accuracy the course and extent of the explorations 
made by the Cortereals or their successors. At the same time it has 
been observed they mark a decided change in the cartography of the age 
as to this part of America. The first was sent by Cantino, the agent of 
the Duke of Modena at Lisbon, to his principal, accompanied by a note 
dated 19th November, 1502, showing that it must have been prepared 
immediately after the return of the vessels of Gaspar's second voyage. It 
gives a representation of the coast of the United States from Florida 
northward. To the east in mid-ocean, so far as to be beyond the line of 
demarkation between the Spanish and Portuguese territories, is represented 
the east coast of an island, indented by bays and studded with islands. 
This is marked " Terra del Rey du Portuguall." On it is the legend in 
Portuguese, " This land was discovered by the order of the high and most 
excellent prince the King Manuel, King of Portugal, which Gaspar de 
Cortereal, gentleman of the palace of the said king, discovered; who, when 
he had discovered, took in his vessel certain men and women found in the 
country, and he remained in the country with the other ship and never 
returned, and it is believed that he has perished, and that there is plenty 
of trees to make masts." 

This island is unquestionably Newfoundland, and the map clearly indi- 
cates that it was the principal scene of the unfortunate Gaspar's explora- 
tions. Here, as Harrisse remarks, " instead of the indefinite lines of 
previous maps, we have a most exact delineation, with the capes, estuaries, 
and sinuosities approaching too near the trut